krisis rohingya dalam, rizaldy febriyansyah, fikom umn, 2018kc.umn.ac.id/6188/1/skripsi.pdf · viii...
TRANSCRIPT
Team project ©2017 Dony Pratidana S. Hum | Bima Agus Setyawan S. IIP
Hak cipta dan penggunaan kembali:
Lisensi ini mengizinkan setiap orang untuk menggubah, memperbaiki, dan membuat ciptaan turunan bukan untuk kepentingan komersial, selama anda mencantumkan nama penulis dan melisensikan ciptaan turunan dengan syarat yang serupa dengan ciptaan asli.
Copyright and reuse:
This license lets you remix, tweak, and build upon work non-commercially, as long as you credit the origin creator and license it on your new creations under the identical terms.
KRISIS ROHINGYA
DALAM PEMBERITAAN ONLINE
DI MYANMAR TIMES DAN THE NEW YORK TIMES:
ANALISIS KOMPARASI MEDIA
SKRIPSI
Diajukan guna Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh
Gelar Sarjana Ilmu Komunikasi (S.I.Kom.)
Rizaldy Febriyansyah
13140110391
PROGRAM STUDI ILMU KOMUNIKASI
FAKULTAS ILMU KOMUNIKASI
UNIVERSITAS MULTIMEDIA NUSANTARA
TANGERANG
2018
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
HALAMAN PERSEMBAHAN
O إ ن مع العسر يسرا O ن مع العسر يسرا فإ
“Karena sesungguhnya sesudah kesulitan itu ada kemudahan, sesungguhnya
sesudah kesulitan itu ada kemudahan. (Q.S. Al-Insyirah ayat 5-6)”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
v
KATA PENGANTAR
Puji dan syukur penulis haturkan kepada Allah SWT karena dengan izinnya
peneliti mampu menyelesaikan skripsi dengan judul “KRISIS ROHINGYA DALAM
PEMBERITAAN ONLINE DI MYANMAR TIMES DAN THE NEW YORK TIMES:
ANALISIS KOMPARASI MEDIA”. Skripsi ini diajukan kepada Program Strata 1,
Program Studi Ilmu Komunikasi, Fakultas Ilmu Komunikasi, dan Universitas
Multimedia Nusantara.
Selama proses penyelesaian skripsi ini, penulis mendapat dukungan dan
masukan dari beberapa pihak. Dengan berakhirnya proses penulisan skripsi ini, peneliti
ingin mengucapkan terima kasih kepada:
1. Ibu Lupita Wijaya, selaku dosen pembimbing skripsi yang telah
memberikan waktu untuk saran dan dukungan yang begitu luar biasa;
2. Bapak F.X. Lilik Mardjianto, selaku ketua sidang skripsi yang telah
memberikan sejumlah masukan dan perbaikan agar skripsi penulis bisa
lebih baik lagi;
3. Bapak Rony Agustino Siahaan, selaku penguji dalam sidang skripsi yang
telah memberi saran dan masukan untuk menyempurnakan skripsi penulis;
4. Orang tua penulis yang selama ini selalu mendukung dan memberi
semangat di setiap langkah penulis sejak kecil hingga saat ini;
5. Naddya Dea Kusnadi, perempuan yang menambah daya semangat penulis
untuk segera lulus dan menjadi orang sukses;
6. Teman-teman terbaik, terhebat, terkeren yang ada di grup Rumput
Bergoyang: Along, Marsella, dan Wece, yang selalu seru;
7. Personil grup One Heart, Naddya (lagi), Marsella (lagi), dan Vivi a.k.a.
personil RNVP yang kalo liburan tanpa wacana;
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
vi
8. Dulur region kelapa dua, Hafizh Gemilang, yang suka gabut bareng dan
selalu siap sedia jadi tempat ketawa-ketiwi dan nitip motor;
9. Ci Angel Luzart dan Daniel Steven Nicholas, yang telah memberikan
masukan serta saran selama penulis melakukan penulisan skripsi;
10. Karib-karibku, seperjuangan sejak Orientasi Mahasiswa Baru, Bonita Widi
Destyani, Tantyo Bahriawan, dan Juwandi, yang punya cita-cita lulus sama-
sama;
11. Dan teman-teman seperjuangan lainnya yang ingin sama-sama cepat meraih
gelar S1.
Demikian laporan magang ini penulis susun dengan harapan dapat bermanfaat
bagi penulis maupun pembaca. Penulis menyadari bahwa terdapat beberapa
kekurangan dari segi penulisan atau kata-kata yang tertulis, maka penulis membuka
segala kritik dan saran untuk menyempurnakan laporan ini.
Tangerang, 03 Agustus 2018
Penulis,
Rizaldy Febriyansyah
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
vii
ISU ROHINGYA
DALAM PEMBERITAAN ONLINE
DI MYANMAR TIMES DAN THE NEW YORK TIMES:
ANALISIS KOMPARASI MEDIA
ABSTRAK
Oleh: Rizaldy Febriyansyah
Media merupakan sumber utama dari berbagai informasi atau isu yang ada di
dunia, baik itu berskala nasional mau pun internasional. Selain itu media juga berfungsi
sebagai alat untuk mengontruksi presepsi dari masyarakat global tentang negara asing,
budaya, dan ideologi.
Salah satu efek terbesar dari media adalah yang mana media dapat membentuk
opini publik tentang suatu hal yang diberitakan. Saat ini isu yang telah dibahas secara
global adalah isu Rohingya, Myanmar. Isu Rohingya ini juga telah menjadi
perbincangan di berbagai belahan dunia. Bahkan, isu ini telah masuk ke dalam salah
satu pembahasan di Forum Parlemen Dunia yang diadakan di Bali pada 6-7 September
2017.
Skripsi yang penulis tulis membahas menganai bagaimana isu Rohingya
dibingkai melalui bingkai konflik, national interest, dan news sources di media online
Myanmar Times dan The New York Times. Penulis memilih Myanmar Times karena
media tersebut merupakan situs berita bebahasa inggris pertama dan terbesar di
Myanmar. Sedangkan pemilihan The New York Times dikarenakan media asal Amerika
Serikat tersebut menjadi media online kedua yang paling sering dikunjungi di dunia
setelah CNN (Alexa.com, 2018).
Penulis menggunakan teknik analisis isi kuantitatif dengan sifat penelitian
deskriptif dalam penelitian ini. Pengujian reliabilitas instrumen penelitian ini
menggunakan rumus Cohen Kappa dengan bantuan SPSS versi 20.0. Penulis meneliti
59 berita sepanjang 25 Agustus – 25 Sptember 2017. Secara umum isu Rohingya
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
viii
dibingkai dengan bingkai konflik oleh Myanmar Times dan The New York Times dan
penggunaan sumber berita yang paling banyak digunakan adalah pejabat pemerintah.
Kata Kunci: Framing, Conflict Interest Frame, National Interest, News Sources,
Analisis Isi Kuantitatif, Myanmar Times, The New York Times
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
ix
ROHINGYA ISSUES IN ONLINE NEWS
AT MYANMAR TIMES AND THE NEW YORK TIMES:
MEDIA COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
ABSTRACT
By: Rizaldy Febriyansyah
Media is the main source of various information or issues that exist in the world,
whether it is national or international. In addition, the media also functions as a tool to
construct the perception of the global community about foreign countries, culture, and
ideology.
One of the biggest effects of the media is that the media can shape public
opinion about something that is reported. Currently, the issue that has been discussed
globally is Rohingya issue, Myanmar. This Rohingya issue has also become a
conversation in various parts of the world. In fact, this issue has entered into one of the
discussions at the World Parliamentary Forum held in Bali on 6-7 September 2017.
The author's thesis discusses how the Rohingya issue is framed through the
framework of conflict, national interest, and news sources in Myanmar Times and The
New York Times online media. The author chose Myanmar Times because the media
was the first and largest English language news site in Myanmar. While the election of
The New York Times due to media from the United States became the second most
frequently visited online media in the world after CNN (Alexa.com, 2018).
The author uses quantitative content analysis techniques with the nature of
descriptive research in this study. The reliability testing of this research instrument uses
the Cohen Kappa formula with the help of SPSS version 20.0. The author examines 59
stories from August 25 to September 25, 2017. In general, the Rohingya issue is framed
in conflict frames by the Myanmar Times and The New York Times and the most
widely used use of news sources is government officials.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
x
Keywords: Framing, Conflict Interest Frame, National Interest, News Sources,
Quantitative Content Analysis, Myanmar Times, The New York Times
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
xi
DAFTAR ISI
DAFTAR ISI Hlm.
HALAMAN JUDUL .................................................................................................... i
HALAMAN PERNYATAAN ..................................................................................... ii
HALAMAN PERSETUJUAN....................................................................... iii
HALAMAN PERSEMBAHAN..................................................................... iv
KATA PENGANTAR ..................................................................................... v
ABSTRAK ..................................................................................................... vii
ABSRACT ....................................................................................................... ix
DAFTAR ISI ................................................................................................... xi
DAFTAR TABEL......................................................................................... xiv
DAFTAR BAGAN ......................................................................................... xv
DAFTAR GAMBAR .................................................................................... xvi
DAFTAR DIAGRAM ................................................................................. xvii
BAB I PENDAHULUAN .................................................................................. 1
Latar Belakang ..................................................................................................... 1
1.1. Rumusan Masalah ...................................................................................... 6
1.2. Pertanyaan Penelitian ................................................................................. 7
1.3. Tujuan Penelitian........................................................................................ 8
1.4. Kegunaan Penelitian ................................................................................... 8
a. Kegunaan Akademis ............................................................................ 8
b. Kegunaan Praktis.................................................................................. 8
c. Kegunaan Sosial ................................................................................... 8
1.5. Keterbatasan Penelitian .............................................................................. 9
BAB II KERANGKA PEMIKIRAN ............................................................. 10
2.1. Penelitian Terdahulu ................................................................................ 11
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
xii
2.2. Teori dan Konsep yang digunakan ........................................................... 19
2.2.1 Isu Rohingya Sebagai Krisis Kemanusiaan ................................... 19
2.2.2 Berita Internasional .......................................................................... 20
2.2.3 Jurnalisme Online ............................................................................. 21
2.2.4 Framing Media atas Isu Krisis .................................................... 23
2.2.4.1 Five Crisis Frame ................................................................ 24
2.2.4.2 National Interest Frame ...................................................... 25
2.2.4.3 News Sources ....................................................................... 28
2.3. Hipotesis Penelitian .................................................................................. 30
2.4. Alur Penelitian.......................................................................................... 32
BAB III Metodologi Penelitian ...................................................................... 33
3.1. Jenis dan Sifat Penelitian ............................................................................ 31
3.2. Metode Penelitian........................................................................................ 34
3.3. Populasi dan Sampel ................................................................................... 35
3.4. Operasionalisasi Konsep ............................................................................. 40
3.5. Teknik Pengumpulan Data .......................................................................... 45
3.5.1 Data Primer ............................................................................................ 45
3.5.2 Data Sekunder ........................................................................................ 45
3.6. Validitas ...................................................................................................... 45
3.7. Reliabilitas................................................................................................... 47
3.8. Teknik Analisis Data ................................................................................... 53
BAB IV HASIL PENELITIAN DAN PEMBAHASAN ............................... 54
4.1. Objek Penelitian ................................................................................................ 54
4.2. Hasil Penelitian ........................................................................................... 56
4.3. Pembahasan ....................................................................................................... 81
BAB V SIMPULAN DAN SARAN ................................................................ 88
5.1. Simpulan ............................................................................................................ 88
5.2. Saran ............................................................................................................ 90
DAFTAR PUSTAKA
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
xiii
LAMPIRAN
RIWAYAT HIDUP
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
xiv
DAFTAR TABEL
Tabel 2.1 Perbandingan Penelitian .............................................................................. 12
Tabel 3.1 Jumlah Pemberitaan di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times......…..36
Tabel 3.2 Sampel Penelitian ………………………………………………………...37
Tabel 3.3 Tabel Operasionalisasi ……………………………………………………41
Tabel 3.4 Sampel Pilot Test …………………………………………………………47
Tabel 3.5 Interobserver Variation ……………………………..……………………48
Tabel 3.6 Interpretation of Kappa …………..………………………………………50
Tabel 3.7 Nilai Koefisien Kappa Uji Penilaian Five Crisis Frame …………………50
Tabel 3.8 Nilai Koefisien Kappa Uji Penilaian National Interest …………………..51
Tabel 3.9 Nilai Koefisien Kappa Uji Penilaian News Sources ……………….……..51
Tabel 3.10 Nilai Reliabilitas ………………………………………………………...52
Tabel 4.1 Nilai Uji Chi Square Five Crisis Frame………………………...………...56
Tabel 4.2 Nilai Uji Chi Square National Interest………….………………………...68
Tabel 4.3 Nilai Uji Chi Square News Sources………..……………………………...76
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
xv
DAFTAR BAGAN
Bagan 2.1 Alur Penelitian ........................................................................................... 32
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
xvi
DAFTAR GAMBAR
Gambar 1.1 Media Bias Chart ....................................................................................... 5
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
xvii
DAFTAR DIAGRAM
Diagram 4.1 News Sources ......................................................................................... 78
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
1
BAB I
PENDAHULUAN
1.1 LATAR BELAKANG
Sebuah krisis kemanusiaan dengan skala dan cakupan yang cukup besar sedang
berlangsung di negara bagian Rakhine, Myanmar barat. Lebih dari 420.000 wanita,
anak-anak, dan pria Rohingya telah melarikan diri dari Myanmar karena kekerasan
yang terjadi tengah meluas di negara bagian Rakhine (Beyrer & Kamarulzaman,
2017, p. 1570).
Walaupun sejumlah kekerasan yang terjadi di Rohingya ini tidak
dipresentasikan dalam skala angka, penduduk minoritas di Rohingya telah
mengalami persekusi dalam beberapa dekade. Sejak 2012 lalu, para penduduk
Rohingya telah menjadi pengungsi internal (internally displaced persons (IDP))
Myanmar (Beyrer & Kamarulzaman, 2017, p.1570).
Hampir 400 orang tewas dalam pertempuran di Myanmar barat laut.
Pertempuran itu dimulai sejak 25 Agustus 2017 saat tantara Myanmar melancarkan
serangan kepada grilyawan Rohingya (Antara, 2017, para. 1-2). Serangan yang
terjadi pada 25 Agustus itu berakibat lebih dari 123.000 warga Rohingya telah
meninggalkan lokasi kekerasan di Rakhine, Myanmar, dan mengungsi ke
Bangladesh (BBC Indonesia, 2017, para. 2)
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
2
Diplomat di Yangon telah melaporkan bahwa distribusi makanan dan layanan
medis untuk kamp-kamp pengungsi ini telah dihentikan setelah serangan pada 25
Agustus 2017 itu yang menambah krisis kemanusiaan di Myanmar semakin parah.
(Beyrer & Kamarulzaman, 2017, p.1571).
Isu krisis Rohingya ini juga telah menjadi perbincangan di berbagai belahan
dunia. Bahkan, isu ini telah masuk ke dalam salah satu pembahasan di Forum
Parlemen Dunia yang diadakan di Bali pada 6-7 September 2017 (Sasongko, 2017,
para. 1-2).
Salah satu tema yang akan dibahas delegasi parlemen dunia adalah Ending
Violence and Sustaining Peace. Sesi ini merumuskan bagaimana peran parlemen
dalam mencegah timbulnya aksi kekerasan dan menciptakan perdamaian. Dan isu
kemanusiaan yang terjadi di Rohingya adalah salah satunya (Sjafri, 2017, para. 8).
Sadar bahwa masalah ini ada dalam konteks global, sejumlah media dunia juga
menyoroti krisis ini dalam pemberitaan media walaupun tidak menjadi topik
utama.
Dilansir dari BBC Indonesia, salah satu media asal Inggris yang sekaligus
menjadi salah satu media paling sering dikunjungi di dunia, The Guardian, pun
ikut serta menyuguhkan laporan ekslusif tentang isu Rohingya (Siregar, 2017,
para. 2).
The Guardian membuat sebuah laporan berjudul 'Pembunuhan masal di Tula
Toli: penduduk Rohingya mengenang horor serangan militer Myanmar'. Laporan
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
3
ini ditulis oleh wartawan Oliver Holmes dari kamp pengungsi Cox's Bazar di
Bangladesh (Siregar, 2017, para. 3).
Berita tentang Rohingya juga turun di The Times, yang mengulas pernyataan
Suu Kyi bahwa persekusi atas Muslim adalah berita palsu dalam edisi cetaknya
pada kamis (07/09/2017) (Siregar, 2017, para. 8).
The Telegraph juga menurunkan pemberitaan terkait konflik Rohingya, The
Telegraph mengutip kesaksian seorang ibu yang menempuh perjalanan panjang
membawa putranya yang berusia satu bulan. Ada juga ibu lain yang membawa
putranya berusia 14 tahun dengan tandu karena tertembak di bagian paha (Siregar,
2017, para. 11).
Rohingya pun menjadi topik utama di situs berita berbahasa Inggris di
Bangladesh, The Daily Star, dengan judul 'Turki berdiri bersama pengungsi
Rohingya: Ibu Negara' yang melaporkan kunjungan Emine Erdogan-istri Presiden
Turki, Recep Tayyip Erdogan- ke kamp pengungsian di Kutupalong, Cox's Bazar,
Bangladesh (Siregar, 2017, para. 12).
Media merupakan sumber utama dari berbagai informasi atau isu yang ada di
dunia, baik itu berskala nasional mau pun internasional. Selain itu media juga
berfungsi sebagai alat untuk mengontruksi presepsi dari masyarakat global tentang
negara asing, budaya, dan ideologi (Kucherenko & Christen dalam Bier M.
Lindsey., Park, Sejin., & Palenchar, Michael J., 2017, p. 2).
Salah satu efek terbesar dari media adalah yang mana media dapat membentuk
opini publik tentang suatu hal yang diberitakan, terutama saat kondisi krisis
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
4
(Coombs dalam Bier M. Lindsey., Park, Sejin., & Palenchar, Michael J., 2017, p.
2).
Dalam sebuah penelitian empiris yang telah dilakukan juga menjelaskan bahwa
adanya hubungan antara kepentingan nasional, kewarganegaraan internasional,
dan komunikasi dari masalah krisis internasional yang tergambarkan dalam media
(Bier M. Lindsey., Park, Sejin., & Palenchar, Michael J., 2017, p. 3).
Dalam penelitian ini penulis memilih dua media untuk dijadikan objek
penelitian, yaitu The New York Times dan Myanmar Times. Pemilihan The New
York Times dikarenakan saat ini salah satu media asal Amerika ini tengah menjadi
salah satu media daring paling sering dikunjungi di dunia. The New York Times
berada di posisi kedua setelah CNN yang kini tengah menjadi media paling sering
dikunjungi di dunia (Alexa.com, 2018).
Seorang pengacara asal Amerika Serikat, Vanessa Ottero, yang dalam beberapa
tahun terakhir tengah meneiliti tentang media (lanskap dan kategorisasi), menilai
bahwa dari sisi penyajian fakta dan kompleksitas analisis, The New York Times
lebih baik dibandingkan dengan CNN (Ottero, 2018).
Sehingga hal inilah yang membuat penulis lebih memilih The New York Times
dibandingkan dengan CNN. Bahkan dalam bagan pembagian bias media lainnya
yang pernah ditulis oleh Vanessa Ottero, The New York Times juga memiliki
tingkat aktualitas yang lebih baik dibandingkan dengan CNN.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
5
Gambar 1.1 Media Bias Chart
(Sumber: Ottero, 2018, para. 1)
Pemilihan Myanmar Times sebagai subjek penelitian kedua adalah karena
Myanmar Times merupakan situs berita berbahasa inggris terbesar di Myanmar.
(Sasongko, 2017, para. 13).
Pemilihan tema isu krisis Rohingya juga didasari dengan adanya kepedulian
masyarakat Indonesia terkait isu ini. Konflik yang terjadi memang berjarak cukup
jauh dari Indonesia. Namun, masyarakat Indonesia turut memerhatikan
perkembangan yang terjadi di Rohingya. Tidak hanya dari masyarakat Indonesia,
presiden Joko Widodo pun telah menyatakan komitmen Indonesia untuk
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
6
membantu mengatasi krisis Rohingya di Myanmar. Selain langkah diplomasi,
pemerintah Indonesia pun telah turun langsung membantu dengan memberikan
bantuan berupa makanan dan obat-obatan (Tempo.co, 2017, para. 1-4)
Kepedulian masyarakat Indonesia terhadap isu Rohingya juga terlihat dari
bagaimana masyarakat turun langsung untuk melakukan ‘aksi bela Rohingya’.
Contohnya adalah dengan adanya aksi bela Rohingya dari seribu orang yang
berasal dari sejumlah ormas keagamaan di Magelang pada 08 September 2017
(Gumilang, 2017, para. 3)
Selain itu ada juga ‘aksi bela Rohingya 169’ yang diadakan di gerbang Monas,
Jakarta Pusat pada 16 September 2017. Aksi ini diikuti oleh ribuan anggota
masyarakat yang mencakup masyarakat umum dan organisasi masa Islam
(Purnama, 2017, para. 2)
1.2 RUMUSAN MASALAH
Hal yang tidak bisa dihindari dalam sebuah pemberitaan adalah proses
pembingkaian. Pembingkaian atau framing adalah sebuah proses di mana sebuah
media memilih beberapa bagian dari realitas dan membuat hal tersebut lebih
menonjol dari yang lainnya (Entman dalam Cozma, Raluca & Kozman, Claudia,
2017, p. 5).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
7
Pembingkaian media juga akan memberikan efek kepada bagaimana cara
konsumer media belajar, menginterpretasikan, dan menilai suatu informasi (De
Vreese dalam dalam Cozma, Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Semetko dan Valkenburg (2000) mengatakan bahwa sebuah konflik sering
digunakan untuk menarik perhatian audiens, atau bisa dijadikan dengan nilai berita
utama. Human interest berfokus pada sisi emosional dari krisis tersebut.
Sedangkan moralitas berfokus pada gambaran dari situasi dalam konteks moral
atau nilai-nilai agama atau social prescriptions (Cozma, Raluca & Kozman,
Claudia, 2017, p. 5)
Rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah “Bagaimana bingkai media yang
dilakukan oleh Myanmar Times dan The New York Times dalam isu krisis
Rohingya?”
1.3 PERTANYAAN PENELITIAN
Pertanyaan penelitian dalam penelitian ini adalah:
1. Bagaimana framing konflik yang dilakukan oleh Myanmar Times dan The
New York Times terhadap isu krisis Rohingya (dalam hal konflik, tanggung
jawab, moralitas, human interest, dan konsekuensi ekonomi)?”
2. Bagaimana pemberitaan mengenai isu krisis Rohingya di Myanmar Times
dan The New York Times merefleksikan national interest di masing-masing
negara?
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
8
3. Apa sumber berita utama yang digunakan oleh Myanmar Times dan The
New York Times untuk pemberitaan krisis Rohingya?
1.4 TUJUAN PENELITIAN
Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana framing krisis,
national interest, dan news sources yang dilakukan oleh Myanmar Times dan The
New York Times terhadap isu Rohingya.
1.5 KEGUNAAN PENELITIAN
a. Kegunaan Akademis
Penelitian ini diharapkan dapat melengkapi kajian-kajian terkait analisis
komparasi media di Indonesia. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga diharapkan dapat
memperkuat hasil penelitian-penelitian sebelumnya tentang framing di media
daring internasional.
b. Kegunaan Praktis
Penelitian ini diharapkan dapat menjadi bahan pertimbangan media-media
daring, khususnya Myanmar Times dan The New York Times terkait framing
isu-isu global.
c. Kegunaan Sosial
Penelitian ini diharapkan dapat membangun kesadaran masyarakat akan isu-
isu global, terutama isu Rohingya.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
9
1.6 KETERBATASAN PENELITIAN
Keterbatasan dari penelitian ini adalah di mana penelitian ini dilakukan kepada
media daring internasional. Dengan demikian penelitian ini tidak berlaku di
media-media daring di Indonesia.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
10
BAB II
KERANGKA PEMIKIRAN
2.1 PENELITIAN TERDAHULU
Penulis memilih dua penelitian terdahulu sebagai referensi dan rujukan dalam
penelitian yang penulis lakukan. Penelitian pertama berjudul “Framing the flight
MH370 mystery: A content analysis of Malaysian, Chinese, and U.S. media” yang
ditulis oleh Lindsey M. Bier, Sejin Park, dan Michael J. Palenchar, pada tahun
2017.
Penelitian kedua berjudul “The Syrian crisis in U.S. and Lebanese newspapers:
A cross-national analysis” yang ditulis oleh Raluca Cozma dan Claudia Kozman,
pada tahun 2017.
Pada penelitian pertama, Lindsey M. Bier, Sejin Park, dan Michael J. Palenchar
melakukan penelitian tentang bagaimana framing yang dilakukan oleh dari media
yang ada di Malaysia, China, dan Amerika dalam periode 8 Maret 2014 hingga 28
Januari 2015.
Hasil penelitian ini menyatakan bahwa pembingkaian paling umum (dalam
konteks lima bingkai krisis/ five crisis frames) yang dilakukan oleh koran yang ada
di Malaysia, China, dan Amerika Serikat adalah atribusi tanggung jawab. Berbeda
dengan pembingkaian dalam hal national interest, media Malaysia lebih
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
11
membingkai kasus hilangnya MH370 dengan bingkai sosio-kultural yang
menginformasikan tentang kepercayaan, mitos, nilai, norma, artefak khusus,
dan/atau social practices of the country.
Pada penelitian kedua, Raluca Cozma dan Claudia Kozman ingin meneliti
bagaimana bagaimana framing, penekanan pemberitaan, dan pemilihan sumber
berita, yang dilakukan oleh media di Amerika dan Libanon dalam pemberitaan
krisis Siria dalam periode 21 Agustus 2013 hingga 21September 2013.
Selain itu, dalam konteks crisis media frame, kedua negara sama-sama
memberi pembingkaian dalam hal konflik dan tanggung jawab. Dalam konteks
penekanan, media yang ada di Amerika cenderung netral, hanya ada sekitar 3,2%
dari sampel koran Amerika yang menyatakan anti-Assad.
Tidak jauh berbeda dengan media yang ada di Libanon, sebagian besar
pemberitaan mereka cenderung netral. Hanya sekitar 5,5% yang menyatakan pro-
Assad dan 7,5% yang menyatakan anti-Assad.
Penggunaan sumber untuk pemberitaan juga berbeda dalam penelitian ini.
Koran di Amerika lebih cenderung menggunakan sumber U.S. officials (46,6%)
dan koran di Libanon cenderung menggunakan sumber International officials
(37,1%).
Adapun perbandingan penelitian yang diuraikan dalam tabel sebagai berikut.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
12
Tabel 2.1 Perbandingan Penelitian
No. Penelitian 1 Penelitian 2 Penelitian 3
1. Nama
Peneliti
Lindsey M. Bier, Sejin Park,
dan Michael J. Palenchar
Raluca Cozma dan Claudia
Kozman
Rizaldy Febriyansyah
2. Tahun
Penelitian
2017 2017 2018
3. Asal Peneliti University of Southern
California, Republic of South
Korea Army, University of
Tennessee
A.Q. Miller School of
Journalism and Mass
Communication Kansas
State University &
Departement of
Communication Arts,
Lebanese American
University
Universitas Multimedia Nusantara
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
13
4. Judul
Penelitian
Framing the flight MH370
mystery: A content analysis of
Malaysian, Chinese, and U.S.
media
The Syrian crisis in U.S. and
Lebanese newspapers: A
cross-national analysis
Krisis Rohingya Dalam
Pemberitaan
Di Myanmar Times Dan New York
Times:
Cross-National Analysis
5. Pertanyaan
Penelitian
1. Bagaimana framing
yang dilakukan oleh
media berbahasa inggris
di Malaysia, China, dan
U.S. dalam batas
tanggung jawab,
konflik, konsekuensi
ekonomik, human
interest, dan moralitas?
1. Bagaimana framing
pemberitaan dalam
krisis Siria?
2. Bagaimana
treatment dalam
pemberitaan krisis
Siria?
3. Bagaimana news
coverage dalam
1. Bagaimana framing konflik
yang dilakukan oleh
Myanmar Times dan The
New York Times terhadap
isu krisis Rohingya (dalam
hal konflik, tanggung jawab,
moralitas, human interest,
dan konsekuensi ekonomi)?
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
14
2. Bagaimana media
berbahasa Inggris di
Malaysia, China, dan
U.S. merefleksikan
ketertarikan nasional
dalam batasan politik,
ekonomi, kemilieran,
sosio-kultural, dan
security objectives?
3. Bagaimana media
berbahasa Inggris di
Malaysia, China, dan
U.S. merefleksikan
pemberitaan krisis
Siria dalam batasan
war and peace
journalism?
4. Bagaimana
penekanan/tone
dalam pemberitaan
krisis Siria?
5. Sumber berita apa
yang digunakan oleh
koran di U.S. dan
Lebanon terkait
pemberitaan krisis
Siria?
2. Bagaimana pemberitaan
mengenai isu krisis
Rohingya di Myanmar
Times dan The New York
Times merefleksikan
national interest di masing-
masing negara?
3. Apa sumber berita utama
yang digunakan oleh
Myanmar Times dan The
New York Times untuk
pemberitaan krisis
Rohingya?
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
15
kewarganegaraan
internasional?
6. Tujuan
Penelitian
Tujuan dari penelitian ini
adalah untuk mengetahui
bagaimana framing yang
dilakukan oleh Myanmar Times
dan The New York Times
terhadap isu Rohingya.
7. Teori dan
Konsep
-Framing konflik
-National interest
-International citizenship
-Framing konflik
-Peace/war journalism
-News sources
-Jurnalisme online
-Framing konflik
-National interest
-News sources
8. Metode Konten analisis Konten analisis Konten analisis
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
16
9. Sifat
Penelitian
Kuantitatif Kuantitatif Kuantitatif
10. Instrumen
penelitian
Data Primer: teks berita di New
Straits Times, China Daily, dan
The New York Times
Data Primer: teks berita di
The New York Times, The
Washington Post, As-Safir,
dan Al-Mustaqbal
Data primer: teks berita di Myanmar
Times dan The New York Times
Data sekunder: situs internet,
skripsi, dan jurnal ilmiah
11. Hasil Hasil penelitian ini
menyatakan bahwa
pembingkaian paling
umum (dalam konteks lima
bingkai krisis/ five crisis
frames) yang dilakukan
oleh koran yang ada di
Malaysia, China, dan U.S.
Dalam konteks crisis
media frame, kedua
negara sama-sama
memberi pembingkaian
dalam hal konflik dan
tanggung jawab. Dalam
konteks penekanan,
media yang ada di
Dari kedua media yang diteliti, baik
Myanmar Times dan The New York
Times, sama-sama menonjolkan
bingkai konflik dalam five crisis
frame dan news sources. Namun,
walaupun keduanya sama-sama
menonjolkan bingkai konflik,
Myanmar Times dan The New York
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
17
adalah atribusi tanggung
jawab. Berbeda dengan
pembingkaian dalam hal
national interest, media
Malaysia lebih
membingkai kasus
hilangnya MH370 dengan
bingkai sosio-kultural yang
menginformasikan tentang
kepercayaan, mitos, nilai,
norma, artefak khusus,
dan/atau social practices of
the country.
Amerika cenderung
netral, hanya ada sekitar
3,2% dari sampel koran
Amerika yang
menyatakan anti-Assad.
Tidak jauh berbeda
dengan media yang ada
di Lebanon, sebagian
besar pemberitaan
mereka cenderung
netral. Hanya sekitar
5,5% yang menyatakan
pro-Assad dan 7,5%
Times memiliki cara pandang yang
berbeda terhadap konflik yang
terjadi. Myanmar Times melihat
konflik yang terjadi adalah konflik
antara teroris dengan pasukan
keamanan Myanmar. Sedangkan
The New York Times melihat konflik
yang tengah terjadi sebagai konflik
kemanusiaan.
Dari segi sumber berita, Myanmar
Times dan The New York Times
sama-sama menggunakan sumber
pejabat pemerintah sebagai sumber
berita utama untuk isu Rohingya.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
18
yang menyatakan anti-
Assad.
Yang paling sering digunakan
adalah menteri, pejabat negara, dan
penasihat negara.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
19
2.2 TEORI DAN KONSEP YANG DIGUNAKAN
2.2.1 ISU ROHINGYA SEBAGAI KRISIS KEMANUSIAAN
Krisis kemanusiaan merupakan sebuah peristiwa atau runtutan
peristiwa ancaman kritis terhadap kesehatan, kemananan, dan keberadaan atau
eksistensi suatu komunitas atau suatu kelompok besar dalam suatu wilayah
luas (Dapamede, Arumugam, Nuralin, & Sugiarto, 2009, p. 1).
Perang sipil yang mengakibatkan banyak penderitaan yang datang
sebagai konsekuensi pertempuran merupakan penyebab krisis kemanusiaan
yang umum terjadi (Donelly, 1993, p. 613).
Seperti yang sedang terjadi di Rohingya saat ini, yang mana kerap
terjadi konflik antara warga sipil Rohingya dengan militer pemerintahan
Myanmar yang tak kunjung reda. Terjadi berbagai tindak kekerasan kepada
warga sipil yang dilakukan oleh militer Myanmar yang mengakibatkan banyak
warga Rohingya mengalami luka tembak dan bakar (BBC Indonesia, 2017,
para. 11).
Konflik yang tak kunjung reda di Rohingya juga menunjukan bahwa
memang sedang terjadi sebuah krisis yang berkepanjangan. Rhenald Kasali
(2005) juga menyebutkan bahwa salah satu ciri dari krisis adalah di mana
terjadinya konflik yang terus menerus (Kasali, 2005, p. 89).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
20
2.2.2 BERITA INTERNASIONAL
Media-media di dunia cenderung secara selektif ‘mendomestikasi’
sebuah kejadian sesuai dengan nilai-nilai yang bertahan lama kepentingan
nasional, dan agenda kebijakan luar negeri (Lee & Yang dalam Pan, 1999, p.
100) dari negara asal mereka.
Sebuah media akan menggambarkan sebuah metafora dari budaya
mereka sendiri agar sebuah kejadian atau sebuah berita bisa terlihat lebih
relevan dan sesuai dengan audiens di tempat mereka berada (Pan, 1999, p. 100).
Hal-hal di atas tentu dipengaruhi oleh latar belakang jurnalis itu sendiri,
kendala organisasi media, dan media-media besar yang datang untuk
memengaruhi produksi berita dengan kekuatan yang bervariasi (Pan, 1999, p.
100).
Di dalam masyarakat, sistem politik merupakan sebuah perangkat
struktural yang sangat penting untuk membangun narasi media. Media selalu
menyukai peristiwa tidak biasa dengan penuh drama, suspens, emosi, dan
gambar hidup (Pan, 1999, p. 100).
Media akan menulis narasi atau pemberitaan mereka dengan ideologi
dan kepentingan yang berlaku dari konstituen mereka masing-masing. Secara
singkat, jurnalis akan menyusun sistem maknanya sendiri, keterampilan
naratifnya, tata Bahasa visual, dan lain-lain (Pan, 1999, p. 109).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
21
Faktor-faktor inilah yang berkontribusi pada koherensi narasi media dan
memperkuat wacana budaya mereka sendiri. Domestikasi dalam pembuatan
berita asing merupakan sebuah proses pengartikulasian diskursif (nalar) dalam
masyarakat (Pan, 1999, p. 110).
Sering dikatakan bahwa wartawan menulis draf pertama dari sebuah
cerita/sejarah. Namun, wartawan sekaligus menjadi produsen dan reproduksi
dari ideologi nasional dalam konteks internasional (Pan, 1999, p. 110).
2.2.3 JURNALISME ONLINE
Jurnalisme online adalah proses penyampaian informasi melalui
internet. Menurut Mike Ward (Romli, 2012, p. 15), ada beberapa karakteristik
jurnalisme online sekaligus hal yang membuat beda dengan jurnalisme
konvensional, yaitu
1. Kecepatan
Kecepatan di media online adalah sebuah kecepatan dalam
mengunggah berita dalam situsnya.
2. Multiple Pagination
Berita yang diunggah bisa dalam banyak halaman/link yang terkait.
3. Multimedia
Hasil yang diunggah dapat berupa gabungan dari teks, foto, video,
grafis, dan lain-lain.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
22
4. Flexibility delivery platform
Jurnalis bisa menulis dan mengunggah berita kapan saja dan di
mana saja.
5. Archieving
Berita yang diunggah dapat terarsip dan dikelompokan ke dalam
kategori tertentu.
6. Relationship with reader
Interaksi antara khalayak dan media bisa tercipta di era media online
seperti saat ini.
Menurut Romli (2012) penulisan berita online dan konvensional dinilai
berbeda. Naskah untuk media cetak ditunjukan untuk dibaca, sedangkan media
online untuk dipindai atau diteliti secara seksama. Kecenderungan pembaca
media online yang melakukan pemindaian mengharuskan media online harus
sangat jelas, singkat, dan informatif (Romli, 2012, p. 27)
Bergesernya era jurnalisme ke era digital/online memang menjadi
sebuah fenomena yang luar biasa (Surya, 2010, p. 25). Pavlik (1998)
menyebutkan bahwa media online di dunia tumbuh dengan kecepatan yang
tidak terduga (Surya, 2010, p. 25).
Tidak hanya di dunia, Indonesia juga mengalami pertumbuhan yang
sangat signifikan dalam dunia jurnalisme online. Hal ini tentu beiringan dengan
perkembangan internet yang sangat pesat di Indonesia. Selain itu, pengaruh dari
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
23
runtuhnya rezim Soeharto dan “rezim dikontrolnya informasi” juga cukup besar
dengan perkembangan media di Indonesia (Surya, 2010, p. 25).
Angka pengguna internet di Indonsia pun kian tumbuh dengan
signifikan, dan media cetak mainstream pun berada di bawah ancaman
kebangkrutan seiring dengan peningkatan biaya produksi hingga 400%. Hal ini
juga yang mendorong sejumlah media cetak di Indonesia mulai beralih ke dunia
online untuk melanjutkan eksistensi medianya (Surya, 2010, p. 27).
2.2.4 FRAMING MEDIA ATAS ISU KRISIS
Bingkai media adalah “skema dari sebuah interpretasi” (Goffman dalam
Bier M. Lindsey., Park, Sejin., & Palenchar, Michael J., 2017, p. 3). Framing
menginvestigasi atribut mana dalam sebuah peristiwa atau isu yang diangap
paling penting oleh media (McCombs dalam Bier M. Lindsey., Park, Sejin., &
Palenchar, Michael J., 2017, p. 3).
Framing media adalah interpretasi dari suatu realitas dalam sebuah
pesan (McCombs dalam Bier M. Lindsey., Park, Sejin., & Palenchar, Michael
J., 2017, p. 3). Pembingkaian media dapat memengaruhi bagaimana pembaca
berita belajar, menginterpretasikan sebuah peristiwa/isu, dan menilai sebuah
informasi (De Vresse dalam Cozma, Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Setiap media akan mengembangkan konstruksi tertentu atas realitas.
Peristiwa yang sama dapat dikonstruksi secara berbeda dengan menggunakan
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
24
frame yang berbeda. Hal ini terjadi ketika peristiwa dilihat dengan cara yang
berbeda oleh media (Eriyanto, 2002, p. 76).
Efek lainnya dari framing adalah akan adanya sisi lain dari sebuah
fenomena yang terlupakan. Hal ini disebabkan karena framing hanya akan
menampilkan sisi tertentu yang menjadi fokus dari suatu media (Eriyanto,
2002, p. 168).
2.2.4.1 FIVE CRISIS FRAME
Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep five crisis frame milik
Semetko dan Velkenburg (2000), ia menemukan lima hal paling umum
digunakan dalam framing sebuah berita: konflik, human interest,
konsekuensi ekonomi, moralitas, dan tanggung jawab (Raluca &
Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Semetko dan Valkenburg (2000) memberi catatan bahwa
konflik selalu digunakan untuk menggambarkan ketertarikan audiens,
sebagai inti dari nilai berita, sementara bingkai tanggung jawab
menunjukan sebuah permasalahan dengan sedemikian rupa untuk
menunjukan tanggung jawab untuk penyebab permasalahan itu atau
solusi untuk pemerintahan, individual, atau grup (Raluca & Kozman,
Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Human interest berfokus pada kisah individu yang terlibat
dengan memberikan anekdot yang dapat digunakan oleh audiens untuk
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
25
berhubungan dengan materi sehingga dapat memanusiakan ide yang
abstrak (Cho dan Gower dalam Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Konsekuensi ekonomi menekankan pada akibat finansial dari
sebuah peristiwa. Sedangkan bingkai moralitas menunjukan sebuah isu
dalam konteks keagamaan atau keputusan moral (Semetko dan
Valkenburg dalam Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5). Neuman et
al. (1992) memberi catatan bahwa bingkai moralitas juga sering terjadi
secara tidak langsung melalui pemilihan kutipan dan sumber (Cho dan
Gower dalam Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
2.2.4.2 NATIONAL INTEREST FRAME
Galtung dan Ruge (1965) mengidentifikasi ada beberapa faktor
yang memengaruhi kecenderungan pemberitaan dalam peritiwa luar
negeri: elite nations, peristiwa negatif, peristiwa yang tidak disangka-
sangka, dan kedekatan budaya (Lee dan Yang, 1996, p. 2).
Di luar dari beberapa kecenderungan pemberitaan sebuah media
terhadap peristiwa asing, national interest/kepentingan nasional
menjadi lebih penting untuk memainkan peran sentral dalam
memberikan gambaran tentang dunia politik di media (Lee dan Yang,
1996, p. 2).
Selain itu, media juga terikat erat dengan kepentingan nasional
dan elite politik dalam arena kebijakan luar negeri (Lee dan Yang, 1996,
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
26
p. 4). Dalam penelitian yang dilakukan oleh Chin-Chuan Lee dan
Junghye ditemukan bahwa kepentingan nasional juga dapat dengan kuat
membentuk paradigma jurnalistik media internsional.
Selain ideologi politik, Chomsky (1988) mengungkapkan bahwa
kepentingan nasional dapat membangun semua aspek dari berita,
terlebih bagaimana sebuah isu dibingkai dan sebuah topik dipilih (Jang,
2013, p. 191).
Selain itu, penulis juga menemukan konsep national
interest/kepentingan nasional yang dikemukakan oleh Brewer (2006).
Dalam penelitiannya yang berjudul National Interest Frames and
Public Opinion about World Affairs, Brewer (2006) menggunakan
experimental data untuk menganalisis sejauh mana tiga tipe
kepentingan nasional (conflict, common, dan reciprocal exchange)
beresonansi dengan warga Amerika Serikat (Brewer, 2006, p. 90).
Dalam penelitian tersebut, Brewer (2006) mengemukakan ada
tiga tipe national interest atau kepentingan nasional. Pertama adalah
conflict interest frames yang menekankan sebuah isi media pada
kecederungan tidak mempercayai negara lain dan cenderung tidak
mendukung kebijakan di negara tersebut (Brewer, 2006, p. 91).
Tipe kedua adalah common interest frames yang menekankan
pada sebuah negara cenderung lebih percaya dengan negara lain dan
menginginkan kerja sama yang lebih besar (Brewer, 2006, p. 91). Di
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
27
dalam penelitian ini Brewer (2006) tidak menjelaskan secara jelas tipe
terakhir dari national interest, yaitu reciprocal exchange.
Konsep national interest milik Brewer (2006) kemudian
dikembangkan oleh Won Yong Jang (2013). Dalam penelitiannya yang
berjudul News as propaganda: A comparative analysis of US and
Korean press coverage of the Six-Party Talks, 2003–2007, Jang (2017)
menggunakan metode analisis isi dari pemberitaan Six-Party Talks.
Dalam penelitian ini, Jang (2013) mengembangkan konsep national
interest menjadi tiga tipe: umum, konflik, dan ancaman (Jang, 2013, p.
191).
Jang (2013) melihat bahwa dalam analisis yang ia lakukan, jenis
reciprocal exchange kurang sesuai dengan penelitiannya sehingga ia
menggantinya dengan threat atau ancaman. Jang (2013) menjelaskan
bingkai umum atau common interest frame mengidentifikasi bahwa
sebuah isu atau masalah merupakan hal yang biasa atau umum terjadi.
Dalam pandangan ini, sebuah isu bisa diselesaikan dengan kepercayaan
dan kerjasama (Jang, 2013, p. 191).
Bingkai konflik conflict interest frame menekankan pada adanya
ketidak sepakatan antara dua negara atau lebih. Bingkai yang terakhir
adalah bingkai ancaman/threat yang berfokus bahwa suatu isu atau
kejadian adalah sebuah ancaman yang mungkin saja dapat mengancam
negara lain (Jang, 2013, p. 191).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
28
Secara keseluruhan, Jang (2013) menemukan bahwa berita
nasional dapat diinterpretasikan dengan pandangan gabungan, yang
mana pengaruh propaganda dalam peliputan yang dilakukan oleh media
saling berhubungan dengan sistem media dan kepentingan
nasional/national interest dalam kerangka ideologi dominan, sehingga
kepentingan nasioal pun menjadi salah satu hal yang dapat
memengaruhi isi pemberitaan (p. 199).
Dalam penelitian ini penulis mengambil konsep national interest
milik Jang (2013). Hal ini dikarenakan konsep national interest yang
telah dikembangkan oleh Jang ini lebih sesuai dengan penelitian yang
penulis lakukan.
2.2.4.3 NEWS SOURCES
Sumber berita dapat memengaruhi frame dari sebuah berita.
Pemilihan sumber berita adalah sebuah komponen kunci dari hasil akhir
sebuah produk berita. Dengan menggunakan sumber berita yang sama
dalam jangka panjang dapat memengaruhi pesan media dan juga
memengaruhi pembaca (Cozma, Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p.
8).
Interaksi antara jurnalis dan sumber berita adalah sebuah
kekuatan penting dalam membentuk suatu berita (Sigal dalam
Berkowitz dan Beach, 1993, p. 4). Jurnalis biasanya mempelajari
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
29
sebuah kejadian atau isu melalui sumber berita, dan hampir seluruh
informasi yang kemudian jurnalis itu kumpulkan mengenai isu atau
kejadian tertentu itu diambil dari sumber berita (Berkowitz dan Beach,
1993, p. 4).
Dikarenakan saat ini media tumbuh menjadi sebuah industri
bisnis, maka seorang jurnalis harus mempelajari bagaimana memilih
dan mengumpulan bahan berita (dari sumber berita) yang bisa
menggambarkan audiens secara luas (Berkowitz dan Beach, 1993, p. 5)
Sumber berita pun menghadapi tekanan dari organisasi mereka
sendiri, dari partai politik, dan pemilih sumber berita tersebut
(Berkowitz dan Beach, 1993, p. 5). Sumber berita memiliki afiliasi
organisasi yang berbeda dengan misi dan perspektif utama yang
berbeda, oleh karena itu tiap sumber berita juga dapat melihat suatu hal
dan melaporkan hal tersebut dengan cara yang berbeda (Lasorsa dan
Resse, 1990, p. 64).
Dua jurnal yang penulis jadikan acuan dalam konsep sumber
berita adalah milik Raluca Cozma dan Claudia Kozman yang berjudul
The Syrian Crisis in U.S. and Lebanese Newspapers: A Cross National
Analysis serta milik Haiyan Wang, Colin Sparks, dan Yu Huang, yang
berjudul Popular Journalism in China: A study of China Youth Daily.
Dalam jurnal yang dikeluarkan oleh Cozma dan Kozman (2017),
indikator sumber-sumber berita yang digunakan dibagi ke dalam
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
30
pejabat internasional, pejabat Amerika Serikat, pejabat Rusia, pejabat
Lebanon, pejabat Suriah, pemberontak Suriah, warga Amerika, warga
Lebanon, warga Suriah, ahli, dan lain-lain.
Sedangkan dalam jurnal yang dikeluarkan oleh Wang, Sparks,
dan Huang (2017), indikator sumber berita dibagi ke dalam pejabat,
negara, partai, ahli, dan sumber anonim.
Penulis dalam penelitian ini membagi indikator sumber berita
berdasarkan kedua jurnal yang penulis jadikan acuan. Dalam penelitian
ini, penggunaan sumber berita terbagi ke dalam organisasi internasional
pemerintah (IGO), organisasi bukan pemerintah (NGO), pejabat
pemerintah, pertahanan dan keamanan, masyarakat/warga, akademisi,
dan others.
2.3 HIPOTESIS PENELITIAN
Hipotesis dalam penelitian ini adalah:
H01: Tidak terdapat perbedaan framing dalam pemberitaan isu krisis
Rohingya di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times.
Ha1: Terdapat perbedan framing dalam pemberitaan isu krisis
Rohingya di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times.
H02: Tidak terdapat perbedaan national interest dalam pemberitaan
isu krisis Rohingya di Myanmar Times dan The New York
Times.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
31
Ha2: Terdapat perbedaan nasional interest dalam pemberitaan isu
krisis Rohingya di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times.
H03: Tidak terdapat perbedan news sources dalam pemberitaan
isu krisis Rohingya di Myanmar Times dan The New York
Times.
Ha3: Terdapat perbedaan news sources dalam pemberitaan isu krisis
Rohingya di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
32
2.4 ALUR PENELITIAN
Bagan 2.1 Alur Penelitian
Krisis Rohingya
Pemberitaan online tentang krisis Rohingya di
Myanmar Times dan The New York Times
tentang Krisis Rohingya
Framing
Krisis Rohingya dalam Pemberitaan online di
Myanmar Times dan The New York Times:
Analisis Komparasi Media
Five Crisis Frames:
1. Atribusi
Tanggung
Jawab
2. Konflik
3. Konsekuensi
Ekonomi
4. Human Interest
5. Moralitas
(Satmeko &
Valkenburg, 2000)
National Interest:
1. Konflik
2. Common
3. Threat
(Jang, 2013)
News Sources
1. Organisasi
internasional
pemerintah dan non-
pemerintah
2. Pejabat pemerintah
3. Pertahanan dan
keamanan
4. Warga/Masyarakat
5. Akademisi
6. Others
(Wang, Sparks, & Huang,
2017) dan (Cozma &
Kozman, 2017)
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
33
BAB III
METODOLOGI PENELITIAN
3.1 JENIS DAN SIFAT PENELITIAN
Penelitian ini berjenis penelitian kuantitatif. Pendekatan kuantitatif ini
memandang tingkah laku manusia sebagai sesuatu yang objektif dan dapat
diukur (Yusuf, 2014, p. 58).
Penelitian kuantitatif dilakukan apabila data yang dikumpulkan berupa data
kuantitatif atau jenis data lain yang dapat dikuantitatifkan dan diolah dengan
menggunakan teknik statistik (Yusuf, 2014, p. 43).
Penelitian kuantitatif kerap mencoba menetapkan hukum atau prinsip-
prinsip umum atau mencari sesuatu yang berlaku universal dan mengasumsikan
realitas sosial adalah objektif dan di luar kondisi diri pribadi seseorang (Yusuf,
2014, p. 45).
Penelitian dengan pendekatan kuantitatif harus dilakukan secara objektif.
Ini berarti bias subjektivitas penulis harus dihilangkan. Syarat objektifitas baru
dapat dilakukan oleh penliti apabila tersedia kategori analisis yang telah
didefinisikan secara jelas dan operasional sehingga peneliti lain dapat
mengikutinya dengan reliabilitas tinggi (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 1).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
34
Penelitian ini bersifat deskriptif yang dimaksudkan untuk menggambarkan
secara detail suatu pesan, atau suatu teks tertentu. Sifat deskriptif ini semata
untuk deskripsi, menggambarkan aspek-aspek dan karakteristik suatu pesan
(Eriyanto, 2011, p. 47).
Sebuah penelitian tidak lepas dari paradigma yang merupakan seperangkat
kepercayaan atau keyakinan dasar yang menuntut seseorang dalam bertindak
dalam kehidupan sehari-hari (Salim, 2006, p. 63). Paradigma dalam penelitian
ini adalah positivistik yang dikembangkan oleh Auguste Comte.
Comte (Babbie, 2010, h. 34) mengatakan bahwa masyarakat dapat diamati
dan setiap fenomena yang ada di dalam masyarakat dapat dijelaskan secara
logis dan rasional.
3.2 METODE PENELITIAN
Penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis isi kuantitatif. Analisis isi
merupakan salah satu metode utama dalam disiplin ilmu komunikasi. Analisis
isi terutama dipakai untuk menganalisis isi media baik cetak maupun elektronik
(Eriyanto, 2011, p. 10).
Analisis isi juga merupakan sebuah metode ilmiah untuk mempelajari dan
menarik kesimpulan atas suatu fenomena dengan memanfaatkan dokumen
(teks) (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 10).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
35
Secara umum, analisis isi kuantitatif dapat didefinisikan sebagai suatu
teknik penelitian ilmiah yang ditunjukan untuk mengetahui gambaran
karakteristik isi dan menarik inferensi dari isi (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 15).
Analisis isi juga ditunjukan untuk mengidentifikasi secara sistematis isi
komunikasi yang tampak (manifest), dan dilakukan secara objektif, valid,
reliabel, dan dapat direplikasi (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 15).
3.3 POPULASI DAN SAMPEL
Populasi merupakan semua anggota dari objek yang ingin kita ketahui
isinya (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 109). Eriyanto (2011) juga mengatakan bahwa
populasi merupakan konsep yang abstrak/luas. Oleh karena itu, populasi harus
didefinisikan secara jelas agar anggota populasi dapat ditentukan secara cermat
(Eriyanto, 2011, p. 109).
Sebagai populasi, peneliti memilih semua teks berita yang memuat isu krisis
Rohingya di Myanmar Times (Mmtimes.com) dan The New York Times
(Nytimes.com) sejak 25 Agustus 2017 sampai dengan 25 September 2017. Total
populasi sebanyak 59 berita.
Periode waktu antara 25 Agustus – 25 September 2017 penulis pilih karena
kuantitas pemberitaan terkait isu Rohingya, khususnya sejak tragedi black
friday pada 25 Agustus, cenderung menurun. Data dapat dilihat pada tabel
berikut.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
36
Tabel 3.1 Jumlah Pemberitaan
di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times
Periode Myanmar Times The New York Times
25 Agustus – 25 September 2017 37 berita 22 berita
26 September – 25 Agustus 2017 26 berita 13 berita
26 Oktober – 25 November 2017 19 berita 10 berita
26 November – 25 Desember 2017 12 berita 15 berita
(Sumber: Observasi Mandiri Peneliti)
Proses pencarian populasi ini penulis menggunakan dua teknik yang
berbeda antara di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times. Pada Myanmar
Times penulis mencari data secara langsung/manual di website Myanmar
Times, yaitu mmtimes.com. Penulis memasukan kata kunci “Rakhine” dan
“Rohingya” di kolom pencarian indeks berita.
Sedangkan untuk pencarian berita di The New York Times, penulis
menggunakan database akademik Lexis-Nexis dengan menggunakan kata
kunci “Rohingya”. Waktu pencarian populasi beita tersebut penulis lakukan
pada 22 Maret 2018.
Berdasarkan data yang penulis dapatkan dari hasil analisis tersebut, penulis
memilih periode 25 Agustus – 25 September 2017 karena dalam kurun waktu
ini kedua media tersebut mengeluarkan jumlah pemberitaan terbanyak
sepanjang 2017.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
37
Untuk menentukan sampel penelitian, penulis menggunakan menggunakan
teknik total sampling karena jumlah sampel masih mampu dijangkau. Teknik
ini digunakan juga karena apabila jumlah populasi kurang dari 100 maka
seluruh populasi dijadikan sampel (Sugiyono, 2007, p. 124).
Untuk menentukan jumlah sampel coding, penulis menggunakan teknik
simple random sampling dengan memilih acak 10% dari total sampel yang ada.
Penulis akan memberikan nomor untuk setiap sampel yang ada, lalu melakukan
pengundian secara acak.
Jumlah sampel coding penulis sebanyak enam berita (10% x 59 sampel =
pembulatan 6 berita). Setelah itu, enam berita terpilih akan dijadikan sampel
bagi coder untuk melakukan penilaian.
Berikut adalah daftar teks berita terkait isu krisis Rohingya pada media
online Myanmar Times dan The New York Times periode 25 Agustus – 25
September 2017 yang penulis gunakan sebagai sampel penelitian.
Tabel 3.2 Sampel Penelitian
No Tanggal Judul Media
1 25 Agustus 2017 Report on Rakhine State is honest and
constructive
Myanmar Times
2 25 Agustus 2017 Statement by the State Counsellor Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi on today’s attacks
in Rakhine State
Myanmar Times
3 25 Agustus 2017 Over 70 killed in Rakhine after
militants attack
Myanmar Times
4 28 Agustus 2017 School shut down in northern Rakhine Myanmar Times
5 28 Agustus 2017 Government warns local, foreign
supporters of terrorist
Myanmar Times
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
38
6 29 Agustus 2017 Over 4.000 ethnic Rakhine flee
fighting
Myanmar Times
7 30 Agustus 2017 Bangladesh, India express support for
Myanmar after attacks
Myanmar Times
8 30 Agustus 2017 USDP’s proposal to condemn
terrorism rejected again
Myanmar Times
9 30 Agustus 2017 Military action in Rakhine legal, says
security chief
Myanmar Times
10 30 Agustus 2017 NDSC meeting may be called if
violence in Rakhine worsens
Myanmar Times
11 31 Agustus 2017 Hluttaw Oks action against terrorists,
help for displaced villagers
Myanmar Times
12 31 Agustus 2017 Group demands media access,
protection of Rakhine citizens
Myanmar Times
13 01 September 2017 Rakhine State and the raging
information war
Myanmar Times
14 04 September 2017 Nearly K2 billion donated to Rakhine Myanmar Times
15 05 September 2017 Indonesian FM discusses Rakhine with
State Counsellor, Commander-in-Chief
Myanmar Times
16 06 September 2017 Maungdaw Rehabilitation Committee
to assist Rakhine reconstruction
Myanmar Times
17 06 September 2017 Armed ethnic groups concerned about
Rakhine
Myanmar Times
18 06 September 2017 Rakhine fighting traps teachers Myanmar Times
19 07 September 2017 Government on alert against bombs in
Yangin, key cities
Myanmar Times
20 07 September 2017 Myanmar will not take back people
without papers
Myanmar Times
21 07 September 2017 ASEAN’s Timor response shows wan
on Rakhine
Myanmar Times
22 08 September 2017 Rakhine conflict about national
security, says French academic
Myanmar Times
23 08 September 2017 Review of Citizenship Law spurs
debate
Myanmar Times
24 11 September 2017 USDP accuses foreign media, NGOs
of making Rakhine conflict worse
Myanmar Times
25 11 September 2017 Government rejects appeal for
ceasefire
Myanmar Times
26 13 September 2017 Nearly 30 political parties blame govt
for Rakhine woes
Myanmar Times
27 15 September 2017 Rakhine conflict: beyond the blame
game
Myanmar Times
28 20 September 2017 A strong commitment to restore peace Myanmar Times
29 20 September 2017 State Counsellor condemns all human
rights violations in Rakhine
Myanmar Times
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
39
30 20 September 2017 Thousands rally to show support for
government on Rakhine
Myanmar Times
31 21 September 2017 Three bomb explosions damage
vehicles. Cause panic in Minbya
Myanmar Times
32 21 September 2017 Rakhine crisis taking toll on tourism Myanmar Times
33 21 September 2017 Senior officials visit Rakhine: priority
list coming in 2 weeks
Myanmar Times
34 22 September 2017 Rakhine situation: fact versus fiction Myanmar Times
35 24 September 2017 World is watching progress on
Rakhine
Myanmar Times
36 25 September 2017 Repatriation of refugees to Rakhine in
the pipeline
Myanmar Times
37 25 September 2017 Protesters in Mandalay slam terrorist,
foreign intervention
Myanmar Times
38 25 Agustus 2017 More Than 70 Killed in Fighting in
Western Myanmar
The New York Times
39 27 Agustus 2017 As Myanmar Fighting Sweels, a
Desperate Flight to the Border
The New York Times
40 29 Agustus 2017 More than 8.700 Rohingya Flee
Myanmar Fighting This Week
The New York Times
41 30 Agustus 2017 Violance in Myanmar Pushes at Least
18.500 Rohingya Into Bangladesh
The New York Times
42 01 September 2017 Boats Carrying Rohingya Fleeing
Myanmar Sink, Killing 46
The New York Times
43 02 September 2017 Desprate Rohingya Flee Myanmar on
Trail of Suffering: ‘It Is All Gone’
The New York Times
44 04 September 2017 Why Aung San Suu Kyi’s Nobel Peace
Prize Won’t Be Revoked
The New York Times
45 04 September 2017 Muslims on 2 Continents Protest
Persecution in Myanmar
The New York Times
46 05 September 2017 Desprate Rohingya Flee Myanmar
Crackdown in Growing Numbers,
U.N. Says
The New York Times
47 06 September 2017 Refugees’ Flight and Land Mines Spur
Bangladesh Protest to Myanmar
The New York Times
48 08 September 2017 Fghan Anger Simmers Over U.S.
Leaflets Seen an Insulting Islam
The New York Times
49 08 September 2017 270.000 Rohingya Have Fled
Myanmar, U.N. Says
The New York Times
50 11 September 2017 Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar Is
‘Ethnic Cleansing,’ U.N. Rights Chief
Says
The New York Times
51 12 September 2017 Far From Myanmar Violence,
Rohingya in Pakistan Are Seething
The New York Times
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
40
52 13 September 2017 The Rohingya in Myanmar: How
Years of Strife Grew Into a Crisis
The New York Times
53 13 September 2017 Myanmar Leader Cancels U.N. Trip
Amid Outcry Over Rohingya Slaughter
The New York Times
54 15 September 2017 At Risk in Rohingya Exodus: 230.000
Children, Hundreads All Alone
The New York Times
55 16 September 2017 Bangladesh Plans to Build Huge
Refugee Camp for Rohingya
The New York Times
56 17 September 2017 Rohingya Militants Vow to Fight
Myanmar Despite Disastrous Cost
The New York Times
57 18 September 2017 Myanmar Follows Global Pattern in
How Ethnic Cleansing Begins
The New York Times
58 18 September 2017 Aung San Suu Kyi, a Much-Changed
Icon, Evades Rohingya Accusations
The New York Times
59 18 September 2017 Stellite Images Show More Than 200
Rohingya Villages Burned in
Myanmar
The New York Times
3.4 OPERASIONALISASI KONSEP
Penelitian analisis isi dimulai dari konsep. Secara umum konsep dapat
didefinisikan sebagai abstraksi atau representasi dari objek atau gejala sosial.
Agar dapat diukur dan diteliti, konsep harus diturunkan agar dapat dilihat secara
empiris. Inilah yang dinamakan dengan operasionalisasi konsep. Secara umum,
terdapat lima struktur konsep, yaitu konsep, variable, dimensi, indikator, dan
item (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 174-184).
Dalam penelitian ini, konsep penulis turunkan menjadi tiga, yaitu dimensi,
indikator, dan item. Dimensi merupakan aspek spesifik dari suatu konsep.
Makin kompleks suatu konsep, maka semakin banyak juga dimensi yang
dimiliki (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 183).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
41
Selanjutnya adalah indikator yang merupakan sebuah observasi atau
pengamatan yang dipilih yang menggambarkan dimensi dari konsep yang ingin
diukur (Babbie dalam Eriyanto, 2011, p. 183).
Setelah konsep dipecah hingga menjadi indikator, selanjutnya adalah item
atau butir. Item merupakan pertanyaan atau kategori yang dipakai dalam lembar
coding (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 184).
Tabel 3.3 Tabel Operasionalisasi
Dimensi Indikator Item
Five crisis frames
(Satmeko & Valkenburg,
2000)
Atribusi tanggung jawab Menawarkan sebuah penyebab
atau solusi potensial dari sebuah
krisis dan cara menghubungkannya
dengan tanggung jawab.
Konflik Isu dibingkai sebagai suatu konflik
yang menunjukan ketidak
sepakatan antara individu dengan
individu, kelompok dengan
kelompok, atau antarnegara.
Konsekuensi ekonomi Memberitakan akibat finansial dari
sebuah peristiwa kepada individu,
grup, organisasi, atau negara.
Human interest Membingkai isu dari sisi
kemanusiaan, kisah individu yang
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
42
terlibat, atau sudut pandang
emosional dari sebuah krisis.
Moralitas Menempatkan sebuah peristiwa ke
dalam konteks moral, nilai
keagamaan, atau nilai sosial.
National interest
(Jang, 2013)
Common Mengidentifikasi bahwa sebuah isu
atau masalah merupakan hal yang
biasa atau umum terjadi. Dalam
pandangan ini, sebuah isu bisa
diselesaikan dengan kepercayaan
dan kerjasama.
Konflik Menekankan pada adanya ketidak
sepakatan antara dua negara atau
lebih.
Ancaman Berfokus bahwa suatu isu atau
kejadian adalah sebuah ancaman
yang mungkin saja dapat
mengancam/merugikan negara
lain.
News sources
(Wang, Sparks, & Huang,
2017) dan (Cozma &
Kozman, 2017)
Organisasi internasional
pemerintah dan organisasi
non-pemerintah
Sumber yang digunakan berasal
dari Perserikaan Bangsa-Bangsa
(PBB), komunitas internasional,
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
43
organisasi masyarakat sipil,
Eight Armed Ethnic Group,
Karen National Union,
ASEAN, organisasi islam,
organisasi partai pembangunan
dan serikat kerja, kelompok
organisasi antar-sektor, serikat
generasi pemuda mahasiswa
Myanmar, persatuan asosiasi
perjalanan, Fortify Rights,
organisasi solidaritas Rohingya,
dan UNICEF.
Pejabat pemerintah Sumber yang digunakan berasal
dari pemerintahan seperti presiden,
menteri, wakil menteri, parlemen,
sekretaris jendral, penasihat
hukum, pejabat negara,
departemen dalam pemerintahan,
komite, anggota komisi, duta
besar, kedutaan, dan direktorat
jendral.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
44
Pertahanan dan keamanan Sumber yang digunakan berasal
dari jajaran tantara polisi, seperti
militer, tantara, dan polisi.
Warga/masyarakat Sumber yang digunakan berasal
dari kalangan masyarakat umum,
korban krisis, peraih nobel, dan
imam.
Akademisi Sumber yang digunakan berasal
dari jajaran akademisi seperti
akademisi Perancis, peneliti
internasional, institut, petugas
Pendidikan, dan guru.
Others Sumber yang digunakan di luar
dari sumber yang telah dijelaskan
sebelumnya, yaitu koran, direktur
yayasan, fact-finding, dan gambar
yang diambil dari satelit.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
45
3.5 TEKNIK PENGUMPULAN DATA
3.5.1 DATA PRIMER
Sebagai data primer, penulis mengumpulkan seluruh teks berita terkait
isu krisis Rohingya di media online Myanmar Times dan The New York Times
periode 25 Agustus – 25 September 2017.
Untuk data terkait isu Rohingya di Myanmar Times, penulis mengambil
data secara langsung di website Myanmar Times, yaitu mmtimes.com. Penulis
memasukan kata kunci “Rakhine” dan “Rohingya” di kolom pencarian indeks
berita.
Hal berbeda penulis lakukan ketika mengambil data dari The New York
Times, penulis menggunakan database akademik Lexis-Nexis dengan
menggunakan kata kunci “Rohingya” pada 22 Maret 2018.
3.5.2 DATA SEKUNDER
Untuk melengkapi data dalam penelitian, peneliti mengambil data dari
buku, internet, jurnal, dan penelitian terdahulu yang relevan dengan penelitian
yang sedang penulis teliti.
3.6 VALIDITAS
Alat ukur sebuah penelitian harus memiliki tingkat validitas yang tinggi.
Validitas adalah sebuah hal yang berkaitan dengan apakah sebuah alat ukur
yang dipakai dalam penelitian dapat secara tepat mengukur konsep yang ingin
diukur (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 259).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
46
Validitas sangat penting dalam sebuah penelitian yang menggunakan
metode analisis isi. Hal ini disebabkan karena setiap temuan yang didapatkan
dalam analisis isi didasarkan pada alat ukur yang dipakai (Eriyanto, 2011, p.
259).
Dalam penelitian yang penulis lakukan, alat ukur atau instrumen dalam
penelitian ini sudah bisa dinyatakan valid. Hal ini dapat dilihat karena dalam
alat ukur yang digunakan sudah menyertakan semua indikator dari konsep
secara lengkap (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 273).
Selain itu, alat ukur dalam penelitian ini juga telah digunakan dalam
beberapa penelitian sebelumnya. Di antaranya adalah oleh Lindsey M. Bier,
Sejin Park, dan Michael J. Palenchar (2017) dalam penelitiannya yang berjudul
“Framing The Flight MH370 Mystery: A Content Analysis of Malaysian,
Chinese, and U.S. Media”. Dalam penelitian tersebut Bier, Park, dan Palenchar
menggunakan konsep framing konflik, national interest, dan international
citizenship.
Setelah itu juga ada penelitian yang dilakukan oleh Raluca Cozma dan
Claudia Kozman (2017) dalam penelitiannya yang berjudul “The Syrian Crisis
in U.S. and Lebanese Newspapers: A Cross-national Analysis”. Dalam
penelitian tersebut Cozma dan Kozman menggunakan konsep framing konflik,
war journalism, dan news sources.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
47
3.7 RELIABILITAS
Reliabilitas berbeda dengan validitas. Reliabilitas melihat apakah alat
ukur dapat dipercaya menghasilkan temuan yang sama ketika dilakukan oleh
orang yang berbeda. Sedangkan validitas berbicara mengenai apakah alat ukur
benar-benar mengukur apa yang ingin diukur (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 282).
Alat ukur bisa jadi tidak valid, tetapi tidak boleh tidak reliabel. Karena
alat ukur yang tidak reliabel merupakan indikasi bahwa alat ukur tersebut juga
tidak valid (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 282).
Dalam melakukan uji reliabilitas ini penulis melakukan pilot tes dengan
sampel sebanyak 10% dari populasi (10% x 59 berita = 6 berita). Enam berita
ini akan penulis pilih secara acak (simple random sampling) dengan bantuan
software random.org. sebelum melakukan pengambilan sampel, penulis
melakukan penomoran terlebih dahulu pada tiap unit berita. Berikut adalah
daftar enam berita terpilih yang akan dijadikan sampel penelitian oleh coder.
Tabel 3.4 Sampel Pilot Test
No. No.
Berita
Judul Media
1. 3 Over 70 killed in Rakhine after
militants attack
Myanmar Times
2. 20 Myanmar will not take back people
without papers
Myanmar Times
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
48
3. 47 Refugees’ Flight and Land Mines
Spur Bangladesh Protest to Myanmar
The New York
Times
4. 29 State Counsellor condemns all human
rights violations in Rakhine
Myanmar Times
5. 28 A strong commitment to restore peace Myanmar Times
6. 54 At Risk in Rohingya Exodus: 230.000
Children, Hundreads All Alone
The New York
Times
Dalam proses uji sampel ini penulis melibatkan dua coder, yaitu penulis
sendiri dan salah seroang mahasiswa jurnalistik di Universitas Multimedia
Nusantara, Naddya Dea Kusnadi. Coder kedua penulis pilih karena ia mengerti
terkait isu krisis Rohingya ini. Selain itu juga penulis telah memberi tahu
bagaimana cara dan teknik pengisian lembar coding yang akan dilakukan saat
melakukan uji sampel.
Uji reliabilitas yang penulis lakukan dengan menggunakan bantuan
SPSS 20.0 (Statistics Package for Social Science). Dalam proses pengujian
reliabilitas ini penulis menggunakan rumus Cohen Kappa.
Tabel 3.5 Interobserver Variation
Observer 1 Result
Yes No
Yes A B m1
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
49
Observer 2
Result
No C D m0
Total n1 n0 N
(Sumber: Viera & Garrett, 2005, p. 361)
Keterangan:
(a) Dan (d) : menunjukan angka setuju dari kedua koder
(b) Dan (c) : menunjukan angka tidak setuju dari kedua koder
Jika tidak ada “tidak setuju” dari koder, maka P0 = 1
Jika tidak ada “setuju” dari koder, maka P0 = 0
Perhitungan:
Expected agreement
Pe = [(n1/n)*(m1/n)] + [(n0/n)*(m0/n)]
Rumus Kappa,
K = (P0 – Pe) / (1 – Pe)
Keterangan:
K : Coeficient Cohens Kappa Reliability (Koefisien Reliabilitas)
P0 : Proporsi kesepakatan teramati
Pe : Proporsi kesepakatan harapan
1 : Konstanta
Dengan menggunakan rumus Kappa, dapat ditentukan reliabilitas antar
koder sebagai berikut (Viera & Garret, 2005, p. 362)
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
50
Tabel 3.6 Interpretation of Kappa
Poor Slight Fair Moderate Substansial Almost Perfect
Kappa 0.0 .20 .40 .60 .80 1.0
Kappa Agreement
< 0 Less than chance agreement
0.01 – 0.20 Slight agreement
0.21 – 0.40 Fair agreement
0.41 – 0.60 Moderate agreement
0.61 – 0.80 Substansial agreement
0.81 – 0.99 Almost perfect agreement
Tabel 3.7 Nilai Koefisien Kappa Uji Penilaian Five Crisis Frame
Symmetric Measures
Value Asymp. Std.
Errora
Approx. Tb Approx. Sig.
Measure of Agreement Kappa .600 .324 2.151 .031
N of Valid Cases 6
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
51
Tabel 3.7 menunjukan angka reliabilitas antar coder yaitu K = 0.600,
hasil ini berarti nilai reliabilitas kategori five crisis frame termasuk ke dalam
moderate agreement. Asymp. Std. Error dalam tabel di atas juga menunjukan
angka besarnya kesalahan pengukuran terstandar. Semakin kecil angka error,
maka semakin reliabel juga hasil pengukuran.
Tabel 3.8 Nilai Koefisien Kappa Uji Penilaian National Interest
Symmetric Measures
Value Asymp. Std.
Errora
Approx. Tb Approx. Sig.
Measure of Agreement Kappa .571 .353 1.549 .121
N of Valid Cases 6
Pada tabel 3.8 ditunjukan besarnya angka reliabilitas untuk kategori
national interest yaitu K = 0.571 Hasil ini pun menunjukan bahwa reliabilitas
kategori national interest termasuk ke dalam moderate agreement. Asymp. Std.
Error dalam tabel di atas juga menunjukan angka besarnya kesalahan
pengukuran terstandar. Semakin kecil angka error, maka semakin reliabel juga
hasil pengukuran.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
52
Tabel 3.9 Nilai Koefisien Kappa Uji Penilaian News Sources
Symmetric Measures
Value Asymp. Std.
Errora
Approx. Tb Approx. Sig.
Measure of Agreement Kappa 1.000 .000 2.449 .014
N of Valid Cases 6
Pada tabel 3.9 ditunjukan angka reliabilitas untuk kategori news sources
yaitu K = 1.000. Angka ini membuat reliabilitas dari kategori news sources
masuk ke dalam almost perfect agreement. Asymp. Std. Error dalam tabel di
atas juga menunjukan angka besarnya kesalahan pengukuran terstandar.
Semakin kecil angka error, maka semakin reliabel juga hasil pengukuran.
Tabel 3.10 Nilai Reliabilitas
No. Kategori Kappa (K) Interpretasi Kappa
1. Five Crisis Frame 0.600 Moderate Agreement
2. National Interest 0.571 Moderate Agreement
3. News Sources 1.000 Almost Perfect Agreement
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
53
3.8 TEKNIK ANALISIS DATA
Teknik analisis data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan chi kuadrat/chi
square. Alasan memilih teknik ini adalah yang mana skala dalam penelitian ini
adalah skala nominal. Dan chi kuadrat atau chi square hanya dipakai apabila
datanya adalah data nominal. Selain itu, penggunaan rumus chi square juga
bertujuan untuk melakukan uji beda (Eriyanto, 2011, p. 329).
Agar lebih mudah dan praktis, proses analisis data ini dibantu oleh
program komputer yang bernama SPSS 20.0 (Statistical Package for the Social
Science).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
54
BAB IV
HASIL PENELITIAN DAN PEMBAHASAN
4.1 OBJEK PENELITIAN
4.1.1 Gambaran Umum Myanmar Times (mmtimes.com)
Myanmar Times pertama kali diluncurkan secara mingguan oleh
Myanmar Consolidated Media, Ltd pada tahun 2000. Myanmar Times adalah
surat kabar berbahasa inggris utama di Myanmar. Perusahaan MCM juga
menerbitkan surat kabar harian berbahasa Myanmar, jurnal mingguan
berbahasa Myanmar, dan majalah fashion dan selebriti mingguan (About us,
para. 1).
Selain memiliki keunggulan karena berbahasa inggris, Myanmar Times
juga merupakan surat kabar milik swasta pertama yang mencakup berbagai
topik di luar olahraga (Wongpethkao, 2015, para. 8). Myanmar Times juga
diluncurkan dengan gaya dan pendekatan internasional. Pada saat diluncurkan,
Myanmar Times juga merupakan satu-satunya surat kabar yang memiliki
investasi asing (Wongpethkao, 2015, para. 9).
Myanmar Times, yang bukan hanya surat kabar swasta pertama, tetapi
bahkan sebagian dimiliki oleh pihak asing, memiliki fokus utama pemberitaan
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
55
di luar olahraga (area di mana pemerintah menginginkan kontrol penuh)
(Wongpethkao, 2015, para. 11)
4.1.2 Gambaran Umum The New York Times (nytimes.com)
The New York Times adalah sebuah surat kabar harian yang diterbitkan
di New York City. The Times merupakan salah satu surat kabar terbesar di
dunia, kekuatan utamanya terletak pada sisi editorial (The Editors of
Encyclopaedia Britannica, para. 1).
The Times didirikan pada 1851, sebuah surat kabar yang bertujuan
untuk menghindari sensasionalisme dan melaporkan berita secara terkendali
dan objektif.
Ochs membangun The Times dibantu oleh editor dari New York Sun.
The New York Times juga memanfaatkan teknologi untuk memperluas
edarannya, The Times meluncurkan versi online pada 1995.
Pada 2006, The New York Times meluncurkan versi eletronik, the
Times Reader, yang memungkinkan pembaca bisa mengunduh edisi cetaknya.
Pada 2007, publikasi dari The Times pindah ke Gedung New York Times yang
dibangun di Manhattan.
Selanjutnya, pada 2011 lalu The Times meluncurkan rencana
berlangganan untuk edisi digitalnya, sehingga dengan hal ini pembaca memiliki
keterbatasan dalam mengakses konten secara gratis.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
56
4.2 HASIL PENELITIAN
Setelah dilakukan pilot test pada instrumen penelitian dan telah dinyatakan
reliabel, selanjutnya penulis melakukan Crosstab uji Chi Square untuk melakukan uji
beda sekaligus menjawab hipotesis. Setelah hasil ditemukan, kemudian penulis akan
mendeskripsikan hasil tersebut ke dalam semua analisis.
4.2.1 Five Crisis Frame
Variabel pertama yang penulis uji adalah mengenai lima bingkai krisis
atau five crisis frame. Setmeko dan Velkenburg (2000) mengatakan bahwa five
crisis frame adalah lima hal yang paling umum digunakan dalam proses
framing sebuah berita: atribusi tanggung jawab, konflik, human interest,
konsekuensi ekonomi, dan moralitas (Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Tabel 4.1 Nilai Uji Chi Square Five Crisis Frame
Myanmar Times * The NewYork Times Crosstabulation
No
Five Crisis Frame
Media Portal
Total Myanmar Times The New York Times
1 Atribusi tanggung jawab 14
23.7%
3
5.1%
17
28.8%
2 Konflik 22
37.7%
16
27.1%
38
64.4%
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
57
3 Konsekuensi ekonomi 1
1.7%
0
0.0%
1
1.7%
4 Human interest 0
0.0%
1
1.7%
1
1.7%
5 Moralitas 0
0.0%
2
3.4%
2
3.4%
Total 37
62.7%
22
37.3%
59
100%
(ᵡ2 = 8.822, df = 4, ρ > 0.05)
Berdasarkan hasil uji Chi Square tersebut, penulis mendapatkan bahwa
angka Asymp. Sig. sebesar 0.066 atau lebih besar dari 0.05. Hal ini menandakan
bahwa diterimanya H0 atau tidak adanya perbedaan framing antara Myanmar
Times dan The New York Times dalam isu krisis Rohingya.
Kedua media yang penulis teliti memiliki kesamaan dalam membingkai
isu krisis Rohingya, baik Myanmar Times maupun The New York Times sama-
sama menonjolkan bingkai konflik. Di Myanmar Times, sebanyak 22 dari 37
berita, atau sebesar 59,5% pemberitaan di Myanmar Times membingkai isu
Rohingya ke dalam bingkai konflik.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
58
Tidak jauh berbeda dengan pemberitaan di The New York Times,
sebanyak 16 dari 22 berita, atau sebesar 72,7% pemberitaan di The New York
Times juga membingkai isu Rohingya ke dalam bingkai konflik.
Apabila dihitung dari seluruh sampel penelitian yang ada, sebanyak 38
dari 59 berita, atau sebesar 64.4% pemberitaan terkait isu Rohingya dibingkai
dengan bingkai konflik, baik oleh Myanmar Times mau pun The New York
Times.
Dari kelima jenis framing yang ada dalam kategori five crisis frame,
konsekuensi ekonomi dan human interest-lah yang paling sedikit digunakan.
Baik konsekuensi ekonomi mau pun human interest sama-sama hanya ada pada
satu berita saja.
4.2.1.1 Atribusi Tanggung Jawab
Pada bingkai atribusi tanggung jawab, Satmeko dan Valkenburg
(2000) mengatakan bahwa sebuah berita akan dibingkai dengan
menawarkan sebuah penyebab atau solusi dari sebuah krisis/isu. Selain
menawarkan penyebab dan solusi, bingkai ini juga akan
menghubungkan dengan bentuk-bentuk dari tanggung jawab atas
sebuah krisis/isu (Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Salah satu artikel yang membingkai pemberitaannya dengan
atribusi tanggung jawab adalah artikel yang dikeluarkan oleh Myanmar
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
59
Times pada 08 September 2017 yang berjudul “Rakhine conflict about
national security, says French academic”.
Apabila dilihat dari judul yang ada, berita ini dibingkai dengan
menunjukan penyebab dari sebuah krisis/isu/konflik. Dalam artikel
tersebut dikatakan bahwa konflik Rohingya/Rakhine disebabkan karena
adanya masalah pada keamanan nasional.
Tidak hanya diperlihatkan secara langsung dari judul, pada
paragraf pertama dan kedua artikel pun langsung ditonjolkan bagaimana
berita ini dibingkai dengan bingkai atribusi tanggung jawab yang
menawarkan sebuah penyebab dari konflik/isu.
Pada paragraf pertama sudah dituliskan “konflik hebat yang
sedang terjadi di daerah Rakhine bukanlah masalah keyakinan. Namun,
French academic mengatakan bahwa masalah kemanan nasional yang
menjadi penyebab konflik tersebut.” Hal ini menunjukan bahwa kalimat
pembuka pada artikel tersebut sudah menunjukan penyebab dari sebuah
isu, khususnya krisis Rohingya.
Tidak hanya pada kalimat atau paragraf pertama, pada paragraf
kedua pun berita ini langsung menuliskan kutipan langsung terkait
penyebab krisis Rohingya. Kutipan tersebut bertuliskan, “Kepala dari
French Institute, Dr Jacques P. Leider, mengatakan bahwa masalah
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
60
utama dari konflik ini adalah tentang keamanan nasional, bukan tentang
masalah agama.”
Selain Myanmar Times, The New York Times pun membingkai
pemberitaan mengenai isu Rohingya dengan bingkai atribusi tanggung
jawab. Salah satu contohnya adalah dalam artikel yang terbit pada 16
September 2017 dengan judul “Bangladesh Plans to Build Huge
Refugee Camp for Rohingya”.
Dalam artikel tersebut dikatakan bahwa untuk mengatasi adanya
“banjir” pengungsi Rohingya yang datang dari Myanmar, pemerintah
Bangladesh akan membangun kamp yang besar untuk menampung para
pengungsi Rohingya. Pemerintah Bangladesh akan membangun
setidaknya 14.000 tempat berlindung untuk menampung sekitar
400.000 pengungsi.
Bingkai atribusi tanggung jawab yang menerangkan bentuk
tanggung jawab dari adanya sebuah isu/konflik langsung terlihat pada
kalimat awal/lead berita tersebut. Kalimat “Bangladesh sedang
mengalami banjir pengungsi dari suku Rohingya yang belum pernah
terjadi sebelumnya. Pemerintah berencna membangun sebuah kamp
besar untuk menampung sekitar 400.000 pengungsi yang telah datang
dalam tiga minggu terakhir.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
61
“Salah satu pejabat Bangladesh mengatakan kalau pemukiman
yang akan dibangun dalam 10 hari mendatang akan berada di atas tanah
seluas 2.000 hektar di daerah dekat perbatasan antara Myanmar dan
Bangladesh. Pembangunan pemukiman ini akan dibantu oleh organisasi
bantuan internasional dan pasukan militer Bangladesh.”
Dari artikel tersebut dapat dilihat bahwa adanya penawaran
solusi dari penumpukan pengungsi yang terjadi di Bangladesh. Secara
umum, para korban Rohingya pergi mengungsi ke Bangladesh karena
letak negara yang berdekatan dan dinilai lebih aman.
Selain menawarkan solusi, artikel ini juga turut menunjukan
sikap tanggung jawab sebagai negara tetangga untuk membantu,
terlebih dalam keadaan konflik. Pemerintah Bangladesh ingin
membangun relasi yang baik antarnegara. Hal ini terlihat pada kutipan
kata-kata dari perdana menteri Bangladesh yang mengatakan, “kami
ingin adanya perdamaian, kami juga ingin adanya hubungan yang baik
dengan negara tetangga kami.”
4.2.1.2 Konflik
Bingkai kedua dari five crisis frames adalah konflik. Satmeko
dan Valkenburg (2000) juga mengatakan bahwa salah satu bingkai
paling umum terjadi adalah konflik. Bahkan bingkai konflik ini kerap
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
62
digunakan untuk menggambarkan ketertarikan audiens dan menjadi inti
dari nilai berita (Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Dalam bingkai konflik, pemberitaan akan diberikan penonjolan
dalam hal ketidak sepakatan antara individu dengan individu, kelompok
dengan kelompok, atau bahkan suatu negara dengan negara lainnya.
Bingkai ini adalah bingkai yang paling umum dilakukan dalam
pemberitaan isu Rohingya. Bahkan lebih dari 64% dari total sampel
yang diteliti membingkai pemberitaan dengan bingkai konflik.
Salah satu contoh dari pemberitaan yang dibingkai dengan
bingkai konflik adalah artikel di Myanmar Times yang terbit pada 25
Agustus 2017 dengan judul “Over 70 killed in Rakhine after militants
attack”.
Apabila dilihat dari judul yang diberikan, kita sudah bisa melihat
bahwa berita tersebut akan berisikan tentang konflik yang sedang terjadi
di Rakhine akibat serangan militan.
Dalam artikel tersebut dijelaskan bahwa sedang terjadi konflik
antara anggota militer dan kepolisian dengan ARSA (Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army) di pos pengamanan Myanmar.
Adanya kalimat “setidaknya membunuh satu tentara, satu
petugas imigrasi, 10 polisi, dan 59 militan terbunuh dalam pertempuran
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
63
tersebut”. Kata “pertempuran” sudah menjadi kunci bahwa berita ini
dibingkai dengan menggunakan bingkai konflik karena adanya ketidak
sepakatan antara dua pihak. Berdasarkan Kamus Besar Bahasa
Indonesia (KBBI), pertempuran berarti perkelahian yang hebat.
Sedangkan menurut merriam webster, pertempuran berarti bertarung
dalam pertarungan fisik, atau berjuang untuk mengatasi seseorang
dengan menggunakan senjata.
Contoh lainnya adalah artikel The New York Times yang terbit
pada hari yang sama denga judul “More Than 70 Killed in Fighting in
Western Myanmar”.
Dalam berita tersebut juga terdapat penggunaan kata-kata
seperti “clashes/bentrokan” dan “troubled region/daerah yang
bermasalah” sudah menunjukan bahwa pemberitaan ini secara umum
dibingkai oleh bingkai konflik.
Sedikit berbeda dengan Myanmar Times, The New York Times
bahkan menjelaskan bagaimana serangan itu terjadi pada paragraf ke
dua. Kalimat “militan menggunakan pisau, senjata kecil, dan bahan
peledak dalam serangan di pos polisi dan militer” semakin menunjukan
bahwa konfliklah yang paling ditonjolkan dalam pemberitaan tersebut.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
64
4.2.1.3 Konsekuensi Ekonomi
Bingkai ke tiga dari five crisis frame adalah mengenai
konsekuensi ekonomi. Secara umum, bingkai konsekuensi ekonomi
hanya menjelaskan atau menonjolkan bagaimana sebuah peristiwa/isu
akan memiliki akibat pada aspek finansial.
Dalam periode penelitian yang penulis lakukan, hanya ada satu
berita yang menggunakan bingkai ini. Satu-satunya berita yang
dibingkai oleh konsekuensi ekonomi adalah berita yang diterbitkan oleh
Myanmar Times pada 21 September 2017 yang berjudul “Rakhine crisis
taking toll in tourism”.
Pada artikel tersebut dijelaskan bahwa konflik yang terjadi di
wilayah Rakhine/Rohingya memiliki pengaruh pada sisi finansial.
Dengan adanya kalimat “Perusahaan pariwisata mengalami beberapa
kerugian akibat krisis yang terjadi di Rakhine, beberapa perusahaan tur
dan hotel baru-baru ini menerima pembatalan pemesanan”.
Selain itu, akibat finansial dari krisis Rohingya juga
diperlihatkan dalam kalimat “pembatalan pemesanan telah meningkat,
terutama untuk perjalanan Ngapali dan Mrauk-U. Para wisatawan tidak
menyadari bahwa (tujuan mereka) sangat jauh dari wilayah krisis”.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
65
Bahkan di akhir berita terdapat kalimat “turis dari Jepang,
Spanyol, dan Amerika sangat sensitive dengan maslaha keamanan dan
keselamatan”. Hal ini menunjukan bahwa krisis yang sedang terjadi di
wilayah Myanmar memang cukup berpengaruh pada dunia pariwisata
di Myanmar, terutama untuk para pengusaha pariwisata dan hotel.
4.2.1.4 Human Interest
Bingkai ke empat adalah human interest. Fokus atau penonjolan
dalam bingkai human interest adalah tentang sisi kemanusiaan, kisah
individu yang terlibat, atau sudut pandang emosional dari sebuah krisis.
Dalam penelitian yang penulis lakukan, dari 59 sampel berita
yang digunakan, baik dari Myanmar Times mau pun The New York
Times, hanya ada satu berita yang dibingkai dengan bingkai human
interest, yaitu berita di The New York Times pada 02 September 2017
yang berjudul “Desprate Rohingya Flee Myanmar on Trail of Suffering:
‘It Is All Gone’”.
Artikel ini membahas bagaimana warga Rohingya merasa
kehilangan segalanya akibat krisis yang sedang terjadi. Membuat cerita
yang berlandaskan sudut pandang para korban.
Penggunaan kalimat deskriptif dalam pemberitaannya membuat
pembaca mampu membayangkan bagaimana kondisi yang dijabarkan
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
66
di dalam tulisan. Bahkan penulis berita menggunakan kalimat-kalimat
yang mendeskripsikan para korban.
Kalimat-kalimat tersebut seperti, “beberapa dari mereka terlihat
begitu kurus, mulai kelaparan, lesu, dan membawa bayi-bayi yang telah
dehidrasi”.
“Mereka adalah puluhan ribu orang Rohingya yang tiba dengan
tuduhan dan pembantaian di tangan pasukan keamanan Myanmar dan
gerombolan sekutu yang dimulai sejak 25 Agustus”.
Bahkan tulisan ini juga memuat ungkapan perasaan para korban,
seperti “tidak ada lagi bagian desa yang tersisa, tidak ada sama sekali”.
“Bahkan tidak ada lagi orang yang tersisa, sama sekali. Mereka semua
hilang”.
Beberapa deskripsi keadaan juga digunakan oleh penulis artikel
yang bertujuan untuk membuat pembaca ikut merasakan apa yang
dirasakan oleh para korban. Seperti yang tertera pada kalimat
“pendarahan postpartum istrinya telah meningkat sehingga ia tidak bisa
lagi berjalan atau menghasilkan susu untuk bayi mereka”. “Bayi-nya
berada di pelukan Pak Rahman, terlihat sangat kurus, dan kulitnya yang
kering serta memucat di persendiannya”.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
67
Dari sejumlah penjabaran di atas terlihat bahwa sisi human
interest-lah yang ingin ditonjolkan oleh penulis artikel sehingga
pembaca bisa ikut merasakan sisi emosional dari para korban mau pun
krisisnya itu sendiri.
4.2.1.5 Moralitas
Bingkai terakhir dari five crisis frames adalah bingkai moralitas.
Pada bingkai ini fokus utama pemberitaan terletak pada bagaimana
sebuah peristiwa ditempatkan ke dalam konteks moral dan nilai-nilai
agama.
Bingkai moralitas dapat ditemui pada pemberitaan di The New
York Times yang berjudul “Fghan Anger Simmers Over U.S. Leaflets
Seen an Insulting Islam”.
Dalam pemberitaan ini terdapat kata-kata yang merujuk pada
nilai-nilai keagamaan, seperti “jihad” dan “disrespecting our religion”.
Selain itu juga dalam berita ini terdapat kalimat seperti “kalian
telah meremehkan perasaan 1,8 miliar mulsim dan semua yang mereka
anggap sakral”. Selain itu juga ada kalimat berupa “kami berjanji untuk
mempertahankan nilai-nilai kami, mempertahankan agama kami, dan
mempertahankan tanah kami”.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
68
Dengan ini dapat dilihat bahwa terdapat sejumlah nilai-nilai
moral dan keagamaan yang tercantum dalam pemberitaannya. Oleh
karena itu, dapat dilihat pula bahwa bingkai yang dipakai adalah bingkai
moralitas.
4.2.2 National Interest
Variabel selanjutnya yang penulis teliti adalah national
interest/kepentingan nasional. Dalam penelinitian ini, ada tiga jenis bingkai
national interest yang penulis gunakan, yaitu common interest frame, conflict
interest frame, dan threat interest frame. Ketiga jenis national interest yang
penulis pakai merupakan gabungan dari jenis national interest yang telah
dikemukakan oleh Brewer (2006) dan Jang (2017).
Tabel 4.2 Nilai Uji Chi Square National Interest
Myanmar Times * The NewYork Times Crosstabulation
No
National Interest
Media Portal
Total Myanmar Times The New York Times
1 Umum 13
22.0%
2
3.4%
15
25.4%
2 Konflik 22
37.3%
19
32.2%
41
69.5%
3 Ancaman 2 1 3
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
69
3.4% 1.7% 5.1%
Total 37
62.7%
22
37.3%
59
100%
(ᵡ2 = 5.138, df = 2, ρ > 0.05)
Berdasarkan hasil uji Chi Square untuk kategori national interest,
penulis mendapatkan bahwa angka Asymp. Sig. sebesar 0,077 atau lebih besar
dari 0,05. Hal ini menandakan bahwa diterimanya H0 atau tidak adanya
perbedaan national interest antara Myanmar Times dan The New York Times
dalam isu krisis Rohingya.
Kedua media yang penulis teliti memiliki kesamaan dalam hal
kepentingan nasional di pemberitaan isu krisis Rohingya, baik Myanmar Times
maupun The New York Times sama-sama menonjolkan bingkai konflik. Di
Myanmar Times, sebanyak 22 dari 37 berita, atau sebesar 59,5% pemberitaan
di Myanmar Times memiliki bingkai kepentingan nasional berupa konflik.
Tidak jauh berbeda dengan pemberitaan di The New York Times,
sebanyak 19 dari 22 berita, atau sebesar 86,4% pemberitaan di The New York
Times juga memiliki bingkai kepentingan nasional berupa konflik.
Apabila dihitung dari seluruh sampel penelitian yang ada, sebanyak 41
dari 59 berita, atau sebesar 69,5% pemberitaan terkait isu Rohingya dibingkai
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
70
dengan bingkai kepentingan nasional berupa konflik, baik oleh Myanmar Times
mau pun The New York Times.
Bingkai lainnya yang sering digunakan adalah bingkai common/umum.
Sebanyak 15 dari 59 berita menggunakan bingkai common interest frame.
Lebih dari 25% pemberitaan dari seluruh sampel yang ada menyatakan bahwa
isu Rohingya cukup memberi ancaman ke aspek lain di Myanmar.
Dari ketiga jenis national interest frames ini, bingkai threats/ancaman
menjadi bingkai yang paling sedikit dipakai. Bingkai ini hanya ada pada tiga
berita dari 59 total berita yang penulis teliti. Dua berita dari Myanmar Times
dan satu berita dari The New York Times.
4.2.2.1 Common Interest Frame
Pada konsep common interest frame yang dikemukakan oleh
Brewer (2006), bingkai ini berfokus pada bagaimana sebuah berita
menekankan pada prinsip sebuah negara yang memiliki kepercayaan
kepada negara lainnya dan cenderung menginginkan terjadinya sebuah
kerja sama yang baik (p. 90)
Selain itu, Jang (2013) juga menggunakan dan mengembangkan
konsep common interest frame ini. Dalam penelitian yang digunakan
oleh Jang (2013), common interest frame berfokus pada sebuah
peristiwa atau konflik akan dianggap menjadi hal yang biasa terjadi.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
71
Selain dianggap sebagai hal yang biasa, menurut Jang (2013), konflik
ini dapat diselesaikan dengan kepercayaan dan kerja sama (Jang, 2013,
p. 191)
Dalam penelitian yang penulis lakukan, sebanyak 15 dari 59
berita yang ditelti menggunakan bingkai common interest frame. 13
Berita dari Myanmar Times dan 2 berita dari The New York Times.
Salah satu contoh pemberitaan yang menggunakan bingkai ini
adalah berita yang terbit di Myanmar Times pada 30 Agustus 2017 yang
berjudul “Bangladesh, India express support for Myanmar after
attacks.”
Secara umum berita ini menjelaskan bagaimana pemerintah
Bangladesh dan India ingin menjalin kerja sama agar pemerintah
Myanmar bisa segera menyelesaikan masalah yang sedang dialami.
Seperti yang telah dijelaskan oleh Brewer (2006) dan Jang (2017)
bahwa common interest frame ini menekankan pada adanya kerja sama
untuk menyelesaikan sebuah isu/konflik. Maka dapat disimpulkan
berita ini dibingkai dengan bingkai kepentingan nasional umum.
Terdapat kalimat seperti “dalam sebuah surat resmi, Bangladesh
mengusulkan operasi gabungan di sepanjang perbatasan dengan
Myanmar, melalui kerja sama antara pasukan keamanan kedua negara,”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
72
yang menunjukan bagaimana ingin dibangunnya kerja sama antara
Bangladesh dan Myanmar agar konflik segera berakhir.
Selain Bangladesh, dalam berita ini disebutkan bahwa
kementrian luar negeri India juga turut memberi dukungan kepada
Myanmar. Pada akhir berita terdapat kutipan langsung seperti, “kami
berharap bahwa para pelaku kejahatan ini akan dibawa ke pengadilan
dan kami memperluas dukungan kuat kami kepada pemerintah
Myanmar.”
4.2.2.2 Conflict Interest Frame
Brewer (2006) menerangkan bahwa jenis berita yang dibingkai
dengan conflict interest frame adalah pemberitaan yang menekankan
pada kecenderungan tidak mempercayai negara lain dan tidak
mendukung kebijakan di negara tersebut (Brewer, 2006, p.91). Bingkai
ini berbanding terbalik dengan common interest frame.
Jang (2013) menambahkan bahwa sebuah pemberitaan
dikategorikan masuk ke dalam bingkai conflict interest frame apabila
isi berita tersebut menyangkut pada adanya ketidak sepakatan antara
dua pihak atau lebih (Jang, 2013, p. 191).
Bingkai conflict interest frame memiliki porsi paling besar di
dalam penelitian yang penulis lakukan. Sebanyak 41 dari 59 berita yang
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
73
penulis teliti termasuk ke dalam conflict interest frame, dengan rincian
22 berita dari Myanmar Times dan 19 berita berasar dari The New York
Times.
Salah satu contoh berita yang termasuk ke dalam conflict
interest frame adalah berita berjudul “Over 4000 ethnic Rakhine flee
fighting” yang diterbitkan Myanmar Times pada 29 Agustus 2017.
Adanya ketidak sepakatan atau disagreement sudah nampak
pada bagian lead/kalimat pembuka pada berita tersebut. Adanya kalimat
“pertempuran antara teroris dan Tatmadaw meningkat selama tiga hari
terakhir”. Kalimat tersebut menunjukan bahwa Rakhine/Rohingnya
sedang mengalami konflik yang mana sedang adanya perseteruan antara
anggota militer Myanmar dengan ARSA atau yang media Myanmar
sebut dengan teroris.
Contoh lainnya adalah pemberitaan yang diterbitkan oleh The
New York Times yang berjudul “Violence in Myanmar Pushes at Least
18.500 Rohingya Into Bangladesh”.
Kalimat “pertempuran yang mematikan – antara pasukan
kemanan Myanmar dengan grup militan yang disebut dengan Arakan
Rohingya Salvation Army – dimulai ketika para militant menyerang pos
kemanan” cukup memberikan gambaran bahwa pemberitaan ini
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
74
dibingkai dengan conflict interest frame karena membahas adanya
perpindahan warga Rohingya ke Bangladesh karena pertempuran yang
terjadi di Myanmar.
Secara umum, conflict interest frame membingkai
pemberitaannya dari konflik yang sedang terjadi antara anggota polisi
militer Myanmar dengan pihak militan ARSA yang menuntut
kebebaswan warga Rohingya. Pemberitaan yang diterbitkan tidak
terkait konfliknya saja. Namun, juga tentang akibat yang ditimbulkan
seperti banyaknya warga Rohingya mengungsi karena takut akan
konflik yang sedang terjadi.
4.2.2.3 Threat Interest Frame
Bingkai terakhir yang ada pada national interest frame adalah
bingkai ancaman atau threat interest frame. Pada bingkai ini
memberikan penekanan bahwa sebuah peristiwa/isu/krisis dapat
mengancam hal lainnya, atau bahkan mengancam negara lain.
Jang (2013) memberikan contoh dengan adanya negara yang
memiliki bom nuklir merupakan ancaman karena berpotensi
menghancurkan (p. 191).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
75
Tidak hanya berpotensi mengancam sebuah negara lain, bingkai
ini juga menekankan bahwa sebuah konflik dapat
mengancam/mengganggu hal-hal lainnya.
Salah satu contoh dari bingkai ancaman adalah pada berita yang
diterbitkan oleh Myanmar Times pada 28 Agustus 2017 yang bejudul
“Shools shut down in northern Rakhine”.
Pada berita ini dikatakan bahwa konflik yang sedang terjadi
cukup memberikan dampak yang besar pada dunia pendidikan, salah
satunya adalah dengan ditutupnya 426 sekolah di utara Rakhine.
Sekolah-sekolah ditutup untuk waktu yang tidak bisa
ditentukan, sebanyak 159.000 siswa dan 2.500 guru terpaksa
menghentikan kegiatannya karena terkena dampak dari konflik yang
sedang terjadi.
Di akhir berita juga terdapat kalimat, “jika aski terorisme terjadi
setiap tahun, maka edukasi anak-anak yang terkena dampak juga akan
terpengaruhi. Masalah di dunia Pendidikan adalah hal yang tidak
diharapkan oleh negara”. Kalimat ini menunjukan bahwa aksi
terorisme/konflik cukup memberikan ancaman pada aspek lain, yaitu
dunia Pendidikan.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
76
4.2.3 News Sources
Variabel terakhir yang penulis teliti adalah bagaimana penggunaan
sumber berita dalam isu krisis Rohingya. Berdasarkan penjelasan konsep news
sources yang dijelaskan oleh Wang, Sparks, & Huang (2017) serta Cozma &
Kozman (2017), penulis juga membagi sumber berita ke dalam beberapa
kategori, yaitu organisasi internasional pemerintah dan organisasi non-
pemerintah, pejabat pemerintah, pertahanan dan keamanan, warga/masyarakat,
akademisi, dan others.
Tabel 4.3 Nilai Uji Chi Square News Sources
Myanmar Times * The NewYork Times Crosstabulation
No
News sources
Media Portal
Total Myanmar Times The New York Times
1 Organisasi
pemerintah dan
non-pemerintah
4
6.8%
5
8.5%
9
15.3%
2 Pejabat pemerintah 26
44.1%
10
16.9%
36
61.0%
3 Pertahanan dan
keamanan
2
3.4%
2
3.4%
4
6.8%
4 Warga/masyarakat 2 4 6
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
77
(ᵡ2 = 6.495, df = 5, ρ > 0.05)
Berdasarkan hasil uji Chi Square untuk kategori news sources, penulis
mendapatkan bahwa angka Asymp. Sig. sebesar 0,261 atau lebih besar dari 0,05.
Hal ini menandakan bahwa diterimanya H0 atau tidak adanya perbedaan news
sources antara Myanmar Times dan The New York Times dalam pemberitaan
isu krisis Rohingya.
Kedua media yang penulis teliti memiliki kesamaan dalam hal sumber
berita di pemberitaan isu krisis Rohingya, baik Myanmar Times maupun The
New York Times sama-sama menggunakan sumber pejabat pemerintah secara
dominan. Di Myanmar Times, sebanyak 26 dari 37 berita, atau sebesar 70,3%
pemberitaan di Myanmar Times menggunakan pejabat pemerintah sebagai
sumber pemberitaan.
3.4% 6.8% 10.2%
5 Akademisi 2
3.4%
0
0.0%
2
3.4%
6 Others 1
1.7%
1
1.7%
2
3.4%
Total 37
62.7%
22
37.3%
59
100%
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
78
Tidak jauh berbeda dengan pemberitaan di The New York Times,
sebanyak 10 dari 22 berita, atau sebesar 45,5% pemberitaan di The New York
Times juga menggunakan pejabat pemerintah sebagai sumber berita.
Berikut adalah diagram jumlah penggunaan sumber berita dominan dari
masing-masing kategori pada kedua media yang penulis teliti.
Diagram 4.1 Penggunaan News Sources
Sumber-sumber yang berasal dari pejabat pemerintah secara umum
yang digunakan adalah menteri, parlemen, sekretaris jendral, dan anggota
komite. Namun, sumber yang paling sering digunakan dalam kategori pejabat
pemerintah adalah menteri, pejabat negara, dan penasihat negara.
4
26
2 2 2 1
5
10
24
0 1
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
PBB dankomunitas
internasional
Menteri, pejabatnegara, dan
penasihat negara
Tentara danmiliter
Korban danmasyarakat
umum
Institut, danpeneliti
internasional
Koran dan staelit
Myanmar Times The New York Times
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
79
Salah satu contoh artikel yang menggunakan sumber berita dari anggota
pejabat pemerintah adalah berita yang berjudul “over 4,000 ethnic Rakhine flee
fighting” yang terbit di Myanmar Times pada 29 Agustus 2017.
Pada paragraf pembuka berita sudah tertulis kalimat “Pejabat negara
bagian Rakhine mengatakan bawah lebih dari 4000 warga Rakhine
meninggalkan desa mereka karena pertempuran yang terjadi antara teroris dan
Tatmadaw yang terus meningkat dalam tiga hari ini.” Kalimat pembuka/lead
berita ini sudah menuliskan sebuah pernyataan yang berasal dari pejabat negara.
Pada paragraf berikutnya juga tertulis bahwa “menteri kesejahteraan
sosial Win Myat Aye dan pejabat negara bagian Rakhine memberikan bantuan
pada penduduk desa yang terkepung dan membantu proses evakuasi. Menteri
Win Myat Aye juga mengunjungi beberapa desa yang rusak parah akibat
pertempuran.” Pada dua paragraf berikutnya pun masih menggunakan sumber
pejabat negara dan menteri.
Bahkan penggunaan sumber yang dikategorikan ke dalam pejabat
negara ini juga berlanjut pada kutipan pertama dalam artikel tersebut. “Kami
hanya mengunjungi beberapa desa, dan mungkin di desa lain ada lebih banyak
orang yang meninggalkan rumah mereka,” ujar menteri Win Myat Aye.
Begitu juga dengan salah satu pemberitaan di The New York Times pun
menggunakan sumber yang berasal dari pejabat pemerintah. Artikel tersebut
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
80
berjudul “Aung San Suu Kyi, a Much-Changed Icon, Evades Rohingya
Accusations”.
Pada paragraf-paragraf awal dituliskan “akhirnya pemimpin Myanmar,
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, memberikan tanggapan dari desakan internasional
terkait krisis yang terjadi di Rohingya. Dalam pidatonya, Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi meminta para pendengarnya untuk ikut bergabung dalam memecahkan
masalah di Myanmar”.
Dan kutipan langsung pertamanya pun menggunakan kata-kata yang
diucapkan oleh pemimpin Myanmar, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. “Pasukan
keamanan telah diinstruksikan untuk mematuhi secara ketat kode etik dalam
menjalankan operasi keamanan.” Ini menunjukan bahwa sumber yang
digunakan berasal dari kalangan pejabat pemerintah.
Sumber terbanyak berikutnya yang digunakan dalam pembuatan berita
adalah dari organisasi internasional pemerintah dan organisasi non-pemerintah.
Secara umum, baik Myanmar Times mau pun The New York Times
menggunakan PBB sebagai sumber utama.
Salah satu contohnya adalah berita yang berjudul “At Risk in Rohingya
Exodus: 230.000 Children, Hundreds All Alone.” Data yang digunakan dalam
penulisan berita tersebut berasal dari PBB dan UNICEF. Namun, secara umum
UNICEF-lah yang lebih banyak digunakan.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
81
Selain berasal dari pernyataan-pernyataan menteri, organisasi
pemerintah, parlemen, dan lain-lain, sumber lainnya yang digunakan dalam
salah satu pemberitaan terkait isu Rohingya adalah Satelit.
Sumber ini digunakan oleh The New York Times dalam
pemberitaannya yang berjudul “Satellite Images Show More Than 200
Rohingya Villages Burned in Myanmar”. Dalam berita yang diturunkan pada
18 September 2017 ini, isinya hanyalah gambar-gambar yang ditangkap dari
satelit terkait pembakaran yang terjadi di Rohingya.
4.3 PEMBAHASAN
Semetko dan Velkenburg (2000) menyebutkan bahwa terdapat lima hal yang
paling umum digunakan oleh media untuk membingkai sebuah berita, yaitu atribusi
tanggung jawab, konflik, konsekuensi ekonomi, human interest dan moralitas. Dalam
penelitian ini, penulis menemukan bahwa kedua media yang diteliti: Myanmar Times
dan The New York Times sama-sama lebih banyak menggunakan bingkai konflik saat
menulis berita terkait isu Rohingya sepanjang 25 Agustus 2017 hingga 25 September
2017.
Sebuah berita dikatakan dibingkai dengan bingkai konflik apabila fokus utama
atau penonjolan pemberitaan terdapat pada adanya ketidak sepakatan antara individu
dengan individu, kelompok dengan kelompok, atau antarnegara. Ciri-cirinya biasanya
ditandai dengan adanya perselisihan.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
82
Hal ini juga menjadi titik di mana adanya kesesuaian dengan apa yang
dikatakan oleh Semetko dan Velkenburg (2000) bahwa konflik selalu digunakan untuk
menggambarkan ketertarikan audiens juga sebagai inti dari sebuah nilai berita. Dengan
kata lain bahwa konflik adalah bingkai pemberitaan yang paling sering digunakan
dalam sebuah berita ((Raluca & Kozman, Claudia, 2017, p. 5).
Hasil perhitungan yang didapatkan oleh penulis juga sekaligus menjawab
pertanyaan penelitian pertama dalam penelitian ini tentang bagaimana Myanmar Times
dan The New York Times membingkai isu Rohingya dalam konteks five crisis frame.
Dan penelitian ini menemukan bahwa baik Myanmar Times mau pun The New York
Times secara umum menggunakan bingkai konflik dalam pemberitaan terkait isu
Rohingya. Lebih dari 50% pemberitaan dari total sampel penelitian menggunakan
bingkai tersebut.
Kesamaan ini juga ditunjukan dalam hasil uji Chi Square yang menunjukan
bahwa memang tidak ada perbedaan framing yang digunakan oleh Myanmar Times dan
The New York Times. Dengan kata lain, hasil uji Chi Square yang dilakukan menerima
hipotesis nol yang menyatakan tidak ada perbedaan framing dalam pemberitaan isu
krisis Rohingya di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times.
Walaupun penulis menemukan persamaan framing yang umum dilakukan oleh
kedua media yang penulis teliti, Myanmar Times dan The New York Times masih
memiliki perbedaan cara pandang dalam melihat konflik yang tengah terjadi.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
83
Myanmar Times secara keseluruhan melihat konflik ini sebagai bentuk adanya
perseteruan antara anggota keamanan militer Myanmar dengan anggota ekstrimis atau
teroris. Myanmar Times merepresentasikan sosok teroris ini sebagai kelompok yang
berniat untuk melemahkan orang atau kelompok yang berusaha membangun
perdamaian dan keharmonisan di negara bagian Rakhine/Rohingya.
Berbeda dengan cara pandang dari Myanmar Times, The New York Times
melihat konflik yang terjadi di Myanmar sebagai bentuk perlawanan dari anggota
militan yang disebut dengan ARSA (Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army) terhadap
anggota militer Myanmar yang telah melakukan kejahatan kemanusiaan. Bahkan tidak
jarang ditemukan kata-kata ethnic cleansing yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Myanmar
kepada warga Rohingya dalam pemberitaan di The New York Times.
Pembingkaian berita terkait isu Rohingya juga dipengaruhi oleh faktor lainnya,
yaitu adanya kepentingan nasional/national interest. Chomsky (dalam Jang, 2013,
p.191) menyatakan bahwa kepentingan nasional dapat membangun semua aspek dari
berita, terlebih bagaimana sebuah isu dibingkai dan sebuah topik dipilih.
Brewer (2006) merupakan orang yang pertama kali mengungkapkan konsep
national interest atau kepentingan nasional. Ia membagi national interest ke dalam tiga
jenis, yaitu umum, konflik, dan reciprocal exchange. Kemudian konsep ini
dikembangkan oleh WonYong Jang (2013) pada penelitiannya terkait propaganda di
media. Jang (2013) melihat bahwa jenis reciprocal exchange kurang cocok untuk
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
84
digunakan dalam penelitian miliknya, sehingga ia menggantinya dengan threat interest
frame.
Memiliki hasil yang sama dengan five crisis frame, dalam penelitian tentang
national interest pun penulis menemukan bahwa secara umum Myanmar Times dan The
New York Times menggunakan bingkai konflik atau conflict interest frame.
Sebuah pemberitaan dikatakan termasuk ke dalam conflict interest frame
apabila berita tersebut menonjolkan adanya ketidak sepakatan antara dua pihak atau
lebih. Konsep ini mirip dengan konflik pada five crisis frames.
Kesamaan pembingkaian, baik pada five crisis frame mau pun pada national
interest menunjukan bahwa media memang selalu menyukai peristiwa tidak biasa
dengan penuh drama, suspens, emosi, dan gambar hidup (Pan, 1999, p. 100).
Tidak adanya perbedaan national interest di antara kedua media yang penulis
teliti juga sekaligus menjawab pertanyaan penelitian kedua dalam penelitian ini.
Kepentingan nasional kedua negara, Myanmar dan Amerika Serikat, direfleksikan
dalam bentuk konflik oleh pemberitaan-pemberitaannya terkait isu Rohingya.
Kepentingan nasional juga dapat memberi gambaran tentang dunia politik di
media. Hal ini terbukti dengan adanya sudut pandang konflik antara dua media yang
penulis teliti. Myanmar Times dengan sudut pandang bahwa konflik yang tengah
terjadi merupakan pertikaian antara anggota teroris dengan anggota militer Myanmar
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
85
sekaligus kerap menolak bahwa isu Rohingya ini sering dikaitkan dengan adanya
ethnic cleansing oleh pemerintah Myanmar.
Bahkan dalam salah satu pemberitaan yang berjudul “USDP accuses foreign
media, NGOs of making Rakhine conflict worse” menyebutkan bahwa keadaan di
Rakhine/Rohingya menjadi semakin parah/dipandang sparah karena pemberitaan
media internasional yang terlalu bermain politik dalam pemberitaanya. Dalam berita
tersebut disebutkan bahwa banyak media yang terus mengatakan bahwa konflik yang
tengah terjadi merupakan konflik agama. Padahal, menurut pemerintah Myanmar
konflik ini adalah murni tentang keamanan nasional.
Tidak satu sudut pandang dengan Myanmar Times, The New York Times secara
konsisten memperlihatkan bahwa ia melihat konflik yang terjadi adalah murni tentang
masalah kemanusiaan. Bahkan secara jelas dalam salah satu pemberitaannya, The New
York Times menuliskan kata-kata ethnic cleansing di bagian judul: Myanmar
Mengikuti Pola Global dalam Bagaimana Pembersihan Etnik dimulai.
Pada pemberitaan lainnya The New York Times juga menuliskan bahwa krisis
yang terjadi di Rohingya ini telah terjadi dalam beberapa dekade saat warga Rohingya
mengalami diskriminasi dan kekerasan dari negara yang mayoritas beragama Budha.
Apabila kembali melihat pada five crisis frame, salah satu bingkai yang sedikit
digunakan adalah bingkai moralitas. Bingkai ini memberikan penonjolan bagaimana
sebuah peristiwa dikaitkan ke dalam konteks moral atau nilai-nilai keagamaan. Dari 59
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
86
berita yang penulis teliti, hanya dua berita yang menggunakan bingkai ini dan keduanya
berasal dari The New York Times.
Pada periode yang telah penulis tentukan, Myanmar Times tidak menggunakan
bingkai moralitas. Hal ini cukup menunjukan bahwa Myanmar Times memang tidak
melihat konflik yang terjadi di Rohingya merupakan konflik agama atau etnik. Berbeda
dengan The New York Times yang memang memandang konflik ini adalah konflik
kemanusiaan yang menimpa etnis Rohingya yang mayoritas adalah penduduk
beragama islam.
Hal lainnya yang mempengaruhi bagaimana berita dibingkai adalah
penggunaan sumber berita. Dalam penelitiannya, Cozma dan Kozman (2017)
mengatakan bahwa pemilihan dari sumber berita merupakan salah satu komponen
kunci dari hasil akhir sebuah produk berita.
Pentingnya sumber berita juga dikarenakan biasanya jurnalis akan mempelajari
suatu isu atau kejadian melalui sumber berita. Bahkan hampir seluruh informasi yang
digunakan oleh jurnalis dalam menulis berita berasal dari sumber berita.
Tidak berbeda dengan five crisis frame dan national interest, tidak ada
perbedaan dalam penggunaan sumber berita pada Myanmar Times dan The New York
Times. Pada penelitian ini penulis menemukan bahwa secara umum sumber berita yang
digunakan bersumber dari pejabat pemerintah.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
87
Sebuah sumber berita dinyatakan tergolong ke dalam pejabat pemerintah
apabila berasal dari presiden, menteri, wakil menteri, parlemen, sekretaris jendral,
penasihat hukum, pejabat negara, komite, departemen pemerintahan, anggota komisi,
duta besar, dan direktorat jendral.
Dari sekian banyak sumber yang berasal dari pejabat pemerintah, yang paling
sering digunakan adalah menteri, pejabat negara, dan penasihat negara. Myanmar
Times lebih sering menggunakan menteri dan penasihat negara dalam pemberitaannya.
Tidak jarang pernyataan-pernyataan yang diberikan oleh kedua sumber pun merupakan
pesan-pesan dari pemimpin Myanmar Aung San Suu Kyi yang tidak disampaikan
secara langsung.
Pesan-pesan yang diberikan lewat sumber yang berasal dari pemerintahan
memberikan kesan bahwa konflik yang sedang terjadi bukanlah berasal dan disebabkan
oleh pemerintah Myanmar. Konflik dimulai dan diperparah oleh pihak-pihak di luar
pemerintahan Myanmar, terutama para ekstrimis/teroris.
The New York Times juga sering menggunakan sumber berita dari pejabat
negara. Namun, yang membedakan adalah The New York Times juga kerap
memberikan pernyataan-pernyataan dari orang-orang yang berada di dalam PBB
seperti sekretaris jendral, komisaris, dan pejabat-pejabat yang ada di PBB.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
88
BAB V
SIMPULAN DAN SARAN
5.1 SIMPULAN
Berdasarkan hasil yang telah penulis dapatkan, penulis akan memberikan
beberapa simpulan terkait penelitian ini. Penelitian “Krisis Rohingya dalam
Pemberitaan Online di Myanmar Times dan The New York Times: Analisis Komparasi
Media” bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana framing krisis, national interest, dan
news sources yang dilakukan oleh Myanmar Times dan The New York Times terhadap
isu Rohingya.
Berikut adalah simpulan yang penulis dapatkan dari penelitian yang telah
dilakukan:
1. Secara umum Myanmar Times membingkai isu krisis Rohingya sebagai
konflik. Dalam five crisis frame, bingkai konflik merupakan bingkai
yang paling umum dilakukan. Sebanyak 22 berita dari 37 berita di
Myanmar Times terkait isu Rohingya dibingkai dengan bingkai konflik
dalam five crisis frame atau sekitar 37.7%. Dari kelima bingkai krisis
tersebut, bingkai human interest dan moralitas adalah bingkai yang
tidak pernah digunakan oleh Myanmar Times dalam pemberitaannya
terkait isu Rohingya. Bingkai media yang kedua adalah national interest
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
89
frame, secara umum Myanmar Times juga menggunakan bingkai
konflik dalam pemberitaannya. 22 dari 37 berita di Myanmar Times
menggunakan bingkai conflict interest frame atau sekitar 37.3%. Dari
tiga bingkai yang ada di national interest frame, yang paling sedikit
digunakan adalah bingkai ancaman, yang hanya digunakan dalam dua
berita atau sekitar 3.4%. Bingkai media terakhir adalah news sources,
Myanmar Times secara umum menggunakan sumber pejabat
pemerintah sebagai sumber utama pemberitaan dalam isu krisis
Rohingya. 26 dari 37 berita atau sekitar 44.1% pemberitaannya
menggunakan sumber utama pejabat pemerintah. Satu sumber
pemberitaan yang paling sedikit digunakan di Myanmar Times berasal
dari kategori others.
2. Tidak jauh berbeda dengan Myanmar Times, bingkai media yang
digunakan oleh The New York Times pun hampir sama dengan
Myanmar Times. Dalam kategori five crisis frame, bingkai konflik
adalah bingkai yang paling sering digunakan. Sebanyak 16 dari 22
berita atau sekitar 27.1% menggunakan bingkai konflik dalam
pemberitaan mengenai isu Rohingya. Yang tidak pernah digunakan
dalam kategori five crisis frame adalah konsekuensi ekonomi. Bingkai
media yang kedua adalah national interest frame, secara keseluruhan
bingkai yang digunakan adalah conflict interest frame. Sebanyak 19 dari
22 berita atau sekitar 32.2% pemberitaan di The New York Times terkait
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
90
isu Rohingya menggunakan bingkai konflik. Bingkai yang paling
sedikit digunakan adalah bingkai ancaman yang hanya digunakan hanya
dalam satu berita. Kategori terakhir dalam bingkai media adalah news
sources, sumber berita yang paling sering digunakan adalah pejabat
pemerintah, yakni digunakan dalam 10 pemberitaan di The New York
Times terkait isu Rohingya. Sumber yang tidak pernah digunakan dalam
pemberitaan terkait isu Rohingya adalah akademisi.
3. Meskipun memiliki kesamaan dalam framing media, kedua media yang
penulis teliti memiliki perbedaan sudut pandang dalam hal konflik.
Myanmar Times lebih memandang pada pertikaian antara
ekstrimis/teroris melawan anggota militer Myanmar, sedangkan The
New York Times lebih memandang konflik yang terjadi merupakan
konflik kemanusiaan.
5.2 SARAN
5.2.1 Saran Akademis
Penelitian terkait isu global seperti yang dilakukan penulis masih cukup
jarang ditemui di Indonesia. Hal ini terlihat saat penulis mencari penelitian
terdahulu terkait topik yang penulis pilih, konsep-konsep yang penulis gunakan
hanya ada pada jurnal-jurnal internasional.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
91
Penulis berharap selanjutnya akan ada penelitian lanjutan dan juga
penelitian baru terkait isu global dengan konsep yang serupa atau pun lebih
banyak dari yang penulis lakukan.
Karena penelitian yang penulis lakukan ini memakai jurnal dan berita
yang berbahasa asing, penulis khawatir akan adanya kesalahan interpretasi dari
tiap konsep dan berita yang telah penulis kaji. Oleh karena itu, diharapkan
adanya penelitian lanjutan dari penelitian ini yang mungkin akan memberikan
hasil yang lebih komprehensif.
5.2.2 Saran Praktis
Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang penulis dapatkan, penulis berharap
nantinya industri media bisa lebih luas dalam memandang sebuah isu dan tidak
hanya berfokus pada satu bingkai pemberitaan saja. Sumber-sumber berita yang
digunakan pun lebih bervariasi agar terciptanya prinsip cover both side pada
media.
Industri media seharusnya bersikap netral dan memberitakan kejadian
dengan sebenar-benarnya, atau dengan kata lain tidak ada konten berita yang
dibuat karena kepentingan seseorang atau lainnya.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
DAFTAR PUSTAKA
Ali, Sjafri. (2017). Krisis Rohingya masih jadi perhatian sejumlah media dunia.
Diakses pada 13 Maret 2018, dalam http://www.pikiran-
rakyat.com/nasional/2017/09/06/krisis-kemanusiaan-di-myanmar-sudah-jadi-
masalah-global-408832.
ANTARA. (2017). Serangan tentara Myanmar tewaskan hampir 400 warga Rohingya.
Diakses pada 19 Maret 2018, dalam
https://www.antaranews.com/berita/650141/serangan-tentara-myanmar-
tewaskan-hampir-400-warga-rohingya
Babbie, E. R.(2010). The Practice of Social Research. 12th ed. Wadsworth: Cengage
Learning, 530.
BBC. (2017). Konflik Myanmar: Pengungsi Rohingya membanjiri Bangladesh.
Diakses pada 19 Maret 2018, dalam http://www.bbc.com/indonesia/dunia-
41160159
BBC. (2017). Warga Rohingya: 'Menakutkan, desa dibakar, banyak anak dan orang
tua terpisah'. Diakes Pada 09 April 2018, dalam
http://www.bbc.com/indonesia/dunia-41096793
Beyrer, C., & Kamarulzaman, A. (2017). Ethnic cleansing in Myanmar: the
Rohingya crisis and human rights. The Lancet, 390 (10102), 1570-1573.
Berkowitz, D., & Beach, D. W. (1993). News sources and news context: The effect of
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
routine news, conflict and proximity. Journalism Quarterly, 70(1), 4-12.
Bier M. Lindsey., Park, Sejin., & Palenchar, Michael J., Framing the flight MH370
mystery: A content analysis of Malaysian, Chinese. And U.S. media, The
International Communication Gazette, 0(0), 1-27. DOI:
I0.II77/I7480485I7707440.
Cozma, Raluca & Kozman, Claudia. (2017). The Syrian crisis in U.S. and Lebanese
newspapers: A cross-national analysis. The International Communication
Gazette, 0(0), 1-20. DOI: I0.II77/I7480485I77272I7.
Donnelly, J. (1993). Human rights, humanitarian crisis, and humanitarian
intervention. International Journal, 48(4), 607-640.
Dapamede, Theodorus U.R., Daniel R. L. Arumugam, Nuralim, Ernest Randy, &
Sugiarto, H. W. (2009). Krisis Kemanusiaan di Bangsa Beradab Indonesia.
Malang: Universitas Brawijaya.
Eriyanto. (2002). ANALISIS FRAMING: Konstruksi, Ideologi, dan Politik Media.
Yogyakarta: LKiS Group.
Eriyanto. (2011). ANALISIS ISI: Pengantar Metodologi untuk Penelitian Ilmu
Komunikasi dan Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial Lainnya. Jakarta: Kencana Prenada Media
Group.
Gumilang, Prima. (2017). Aksi Bela Rohingya di Borobudur, Massa Gelar Salat Gaib.
Diakses pada 31 Juli 2018, pada
https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20170908135848-20-240375/aksi-
bela-rohingya-di-borobudur-massa-gelar-salat-gaib
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Jang, W. Y. (2013). News as propaganda: A comparative analysis of US and Korean
press coverage of the Six-Party Talks, 2003–2007. International
Communication Gazette, 75(2), 188-204.
Kasali, Rhenald. (2005). Change!. Jakarta: Gramedia.
Lasorsa, D. L., & Reese, S. D. (1990). News source use in the crash of 1987: A study
of four national media. Journalism Quarterly, 67(1), 60-71.
Lee, C. C., & Yang, J. (1996). Foreign news and national interest: Comparing US and
Japanese coverage of a Chinese student movement. Gazette (Leiden,
Netherlands), 56(1), 1-18.
Liston, P. Siregar. (2017). Krisis Rohingya masih jadi perhatian sejumlah media dunia.
Diakses pada 13 Maret 2018, dari http://www.bbc.com/indonesia/dunia-
41186735.
Manning, P. (2000). News and news sources: A critical introduction. Sage.
McQuail, Denis. (1992). Media Performance: mass communication and the public
interest. London: Sage.
Mulyana, Deddy. (2002). Komunikasi Organisasi. Bandung: Remaja Rosdakarya.
Otero, Vanessa. (2017). The Chart, Version 3.0, What Exactly Are We Reading?.
Colorado: Ad Fontes Media.
Purnama, Rayhand. (2017). Warga Aksi Bela Rohingya '169' Banjiri Kawasan Patung
Kuda. Diakses pada 30 Juli 2018, dalam
https://www.cnnindonesia.com/olahraga/20170916101733-142-
242152/warga-aksi-bela-rohingya-169-banjiri-kawasan-patung-kuda
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Romli, Asep Syamsul M. (2012). Juralistik Online: Panduan Praktis Mengelola
Media Online. Bandung: Nuansa Cendikia.
Salim, Agus. (2006). Teori dan Paradigma Penelitian Sosial. Yogyakarta:
Tiarawacana.
Shoemarker, P., & Reese, S. D. Mediating The Message; Theories of Influences on
Mass Media Content. 1996. White Plains, NY.
Sugiyono. (2007). Metode Penelitian Kuantitatif Kualitatif dan R&D. Bandung:
Alfabeta.
Sasongko, Joko Panji. (2017). Isu Rohingya Dibahas di Forum Parlemen Dunia.
Diakses pada 13 Maret 2018, dari
https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20170906125247-20-239792/isu-
rohingya-dibahas-di-forum-parlemen-dunia.
Surya, Yuyun. (2010). Online Journalism in Indonesia: The Use of Interactive
Technology in Indonesian Online Newspapers. Jerman: LAP LAMBERT
Academic Publishing GmbH & Co. KG.
Tempo.co. (2017). Jokowi: Perlu Aksi Nyata Bantu Rohingya. Diakses pada 31 Juli
2018, dalam https://nasional.tempo.co/read/905657/jokowi-perlu-aksi-nyata-
bantu-rohingyahttps://nasional.tempo.co/read/905657/jokowi-perlu-aksi-
nyata-bantu-rohingya
The top 500 sites on the web. (2018). Diakses pada 13 Maret 2018, dari
https://www.alexa.com/topsites/category/Top/News.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Viera, A. J., & Garrett, J. M. (2005). Understanding interobserver agreement: the
kappa statistic. Fam Med, 37(5), 360-363.
Wang, H., Sparks, C., & Yu, H. (2017). Popular journalism in China: A study of China
Youth Daily. Journalism, 1464884917691987.
Wongpethkao, Pawares. (2015). The Evolution of the Myanmar Times. Diakses pada
31 Mei 2018, dari http://www.veropr.com/the-evolution-of-the-myanmar-
times/
Yusuf, A. M. (2016). Metode Penelitian Kuantitatif, Kualitatif & Penelitian
Gabungan.
Prenada Media.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
LAMPIRAN
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
CODING BOOK
1. MEDIA PORTAL
1: Myanmar Times
2: The New York Times
2. FIVE CRISIS FRAME
1 = Atribusi tanggung jawab (Menawarkan sebuah penyebab atau solusi
dari sebuah isu/krisis).
2 = Konflik (Mengedepankan ketidak sepakatan antar-individu, kelompok,
negara, dan lainnya).
3. = Konsekuensi Ekonomi (Akibat finansial dari sebuah peristiwa).
4 = Human interest (Sisi kemanusiaan atau angle emosional dari sebuah krisis).
5 = Moralitas (Melihat sebuah peristiwa dalam konteks moral atau nilai agama).
3. NATIONAL INTEREST
Kepentingan nasional meruapakan salah satu faktor yang dapat memengaruhi
kecenderungan pemberitaan dalam peristiwa luar negeri.
1 = Bingkai umum / common interest frame (Peristiwa dianggap sebagai
hal biasa dan bisa diselesaikan dengan kerja sama).
2 = Konflik / conflict interest frame (adanya ketidak sepakatan).
3 = Ancaman / threat interest frame (sebuah kejadian mungkin menjadi
ancaman untuk orang lain/negara lain).
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
4. NEWS SOURCES
Sumber utama berita yang digunakan dalam pemberitaan.
1. Organisasi internasional pemerintah dan organisasi non-pemerintah:
Sumber yang digunakan berasal dari Perserikaan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB),
komunitas internasional, organisasi masyarakat sipil, Eight Armed Ethnic
Group, Karen National Union, ASEAN, organisasi islam, organisasi partai
pembangunan dan serikat kerja, kelompok organisasi antar-sektor, serikat
generasi pemuda mahasiswa Myanmar, persatuan asosiasi perjalanan,
Fortify Rights, organisasi solidaritas Rohingya, dan UNICEF.
2. Pejabat pemerintah: Sumber yang digunakan berasal dari pemerintahan seperti
presiden, menteri, wakil menteri, parlemen, sekretaris jendral, penasihat hukum,
pejabat negara, departemen dalam pemerintahan, komite, anggota komisi, duta
besar, kedutaan, dan direktorat jendral.
3. Pertahanan dan keamanan: Sumber yang digunakan berasal dari jajaran tantara
polisi, seperti militer, tantara, dan polisi.
4. Warga/masyarakat: Sumber yang digunakan berasal dari kalangan masyarakat
umum, korban krisis, peraih nobel, dan imam.
5. Akademisi: Sumber yang digunakan berasal dari jajaran akademisi seperti
akademisi Perancis, peneliti internasional, institut, petugas pendidikan, dan guru.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
6. Others: Sumber yang digunakan di luar dari sumber yang telah dijelaskan
sebelumnya, yaitu koran, direktur yayasan, fact-finding, dan gambar yang diambil
dari satelit.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
CODING SHEET
Coder name: Rizaldy Febriyansyah
No. 1
Media portal
2
Five crisis frames
3
National interest
4
News sources
1 1 1 1 2
2 1 2 2 2
3 1 2 2 2
4 1 2 2 2
5 1 1 1 2
6 1 2 2 2
7 1 1 1 2
8 1 2 1 2
9 1 2 3 3
10 1 1 1 2
11 1 1 1 2
12 1 2 2 1
13 1 2 2 2
14 1 1 1 2
15 1 1 2 2
16 1 1 1 2
17 1 1 1 3
18 1 2 2 5
19 1 2 2 2
20 1 2 2 2
21 1 1 1 1
22 1 1 1 5
23 1 2 2 2
24 1 2 2 1
25 1 2 2 2
26 1 2 2 2
27 1 2 2 6
28 1 1 1 1
29 1 2 2 2
30 1 2 2 4
31 1 2 2 2
32 1 3 3 2
33 1 1 1 2
34 1 2 2 2
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
35 1 2 2 2
36 1 1 2 2
37 1 2 2 4
38 2 2 2 2
39 2 2 2 2
40 2 2 2 2
41 2 2 2 2
42 2 2 2 3
43 2 1 2 4
44 2 5 2 4
45 2 4 2 4
46 2 2 2 1
47 2 2 2 2
48 2 5 2 4
48 2 2 2 1
50 2 2 2 1
51 2 2 2 2
52 2 2 1 2
53 2 2 3 2
54 2 2 2 1
55 2 1 2 2
56 2 2 2 3
57 2 2 2 1
58 2 1 1 2
59 2 2 2 6
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
CODING SHEET
Coder name: Naddya Dea Kusnadi
No. 1
Media portal
2
Five crisis frames
3
National interest
4
News sources
1 1 1 1 2
2 1 2 2 2
3 1 2 2 2
4 1 2 2 2
5 1 1 1 2
6 1 2 2 2
7 1 2 2 2
8 1 2 1 2
9 1 2 2 3
10 1 1 1 2
11 1 1 1 2
12 1 2 2 1
13 1 2 2 2
14 1 1 1 2
15 1 1 2 2
16 1 1 1 2
17 1 1 1 3
18 1 2 2 5
19 1 2 2 2
20 1 2 2 2
21 1 1 1 1
22 1 1 1 5
23 1 2 2 2
24 1 2 2 1
25 1 2 2 2
26 1 2 2 2
27 1 2 2 6
28 1 1 1 1
29 1 2 2 2
30 1 2 2 4
31 1 2 2 2
32 1 3 3 2
33 1 1 1 2
34 1 2 2 2
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
35 1 2 2 2
36 1 1 2 2
37 1 2 2 4
38 2 2 2 2
39 2 2 2 2
40 2 2 2 2
41 2 2 2 2
42 2 2 2 3
43 2 1 2 4
44 2 5 2 4
45 2 4 2 4
46 2 2 2 1
47 2 2 2 2
48 2 5 1 4
48 2 2 2 1
50 2 2 2 2
51 2 2 2 2
52 2 2 2 2
53 2 2 2 2
54 2 5 1 1
55 2 1 2 2
56 2 2 2 3
57 2 2 2 1
58 2 1 1 2
59 2 2 2 6
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Sampel Berita Myanmar Times
Report on Rakhine State is honest and constructive THE MYANMAR TIMES 25 AUG 2017
The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, led by former UN Secretary General Kofi
Annan, has released a final report that makes honest and constructive recommendations.
These include calls for a process on citizenship verification, rights and equality before the law,
documentation, improving the lives of internally displaced people and more freedom of
movement, which disproportionately affects the Muslim population.
The report is the result of over 150 consultations and meetings by the commission’s members
since its establishment in September 2016. They travelled extensively throughout Rakhine State
and held meetings both inside and outside the troubled region. They met in Yangon and Nay Pyi
Taw, as well as in Indonesia, Thailand, Bangladesh and Geneva.
Following a request from State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Kofi Annan Foundation
and her office established the commission as a national entity with a majority of Myanmar
members. It was mandated to examine the complex challenges facing Rakhine and to propose
responses to those challenges. Annan revealed that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi asked the
commission to be bold with its recommendations.
“At the inauguration of the commission, the State Counsellor urged us to be bold in our
recommendations. We have followed that advice,” he said.
Annan said his group has put forward honest and constructive recommendations that would
create debate. “However, if adopted and implemented in the spirit in which they were conceived,
I firmly believe that our recommendations, along with those of our interim report, can trace a
path to lasting peace, development and respect for the rule of law in Rakhine State.”
In addition, the commission recommends the setting up of a national mechanism “to ensure the
effective implementation of its recommendations.”
Annan proposed a ministerial-level position to coordinate policy on Rakhine and ensure the
effective implementation of the recommendations. The appointee should be backed by a
permanent and well staffed secretariat, which will be an integral part and support the work of the
Central Committee on Implementation of Peace and Development in Rakhine State.
At the halfway point of the panel’s mandate in March, Kofi said he welcomed the initial steps by
the government to implement the recommendations contained in the interim report. But the
former UN chief admitted there is still a long road to travel before “we can be confident that the
peace and prosperity of Rakhine State are assured.”
At the press conference, he said that the armed forces and other security services have a critical
role to play in building a better future for Rakhine State. He was please, he added, that his
commission was able to meet and consult with the Commander-in-chief, Senior General Min
Aung Hliang and other senior officers of the Tatmadaw on several occasions.
Rakhine State faces complex political, economic and social challenges, he pointed out. They can
only be surmounted through a sustained and coordinated effort by the civilian and military
authorities at the Union, State and the local levels.
The international community should continue to play a strong, generous and impartial role in
support of the national efforts needed to help Rakhine move forward. “There is no time to lose.
The situation in Rakhine State is becoming more precarious,” he concluded.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Statement by the State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on today’s attacks in Rakhine
State MYANMAR STATE COUNSELLOR OFFICE 25 AUG 2017
I strongly condemn today’s brutal attacks by terrorists on security forces in Rakhine State.
I would like to commend the members of the police and security forces who have acted with
great courage in the face of many challenges. My thoughts are with the members of the police
and security forces who have lost their lives, and their families, friends and colleagues.
The government had been aware of the risk of attacks to coincide with the release of the
Commission’s final report yesterday and had issued instruction to relevant Union Ministers.
It is clear that today’s attacks are a calculated attempt to undermine the efforts of those seeking
to build peace and harmony in Rakhine State. We must not allow our work to be derailed by the
violent actions of extremists.
The government remains firm in its commitment to finding meaningful and lasting solutions to
the issues in Rakhine. I welcome the constructive approach taken by the Advisory Commission
on Rakhine State in their final report yesterday.
I welcome also the strong condemnation of the attacks today by the Commission’s Chairman, Dr.
Kofi Annan.
Nay Pyi Taw
25 August 2017
Over 70 killed in in Rakhine after militants attack
STAFF 25 AUG 2017
More than 70 people were killed in Rakhine State after militants carried out coordinated attacks
on security posts and military bases in the early hours of Friday.
According to the government, one soldier, one immigration officer, 10 policemen and 59
militants were killed in the fighting. As many as 150 militants are said to have been involved in
the attacks in at least 30 locations in Maungdaw district of northern Rakhine, according to
officials.
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army claimed responsibility for the attacks, in which at least
-- military personnel were killed and -- were injured.
State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi condemned the attacks in a statement on Friday.
"I strongly condemn today’s brutal attacks by terrorists on security forces in Rakhine State. The
government had been aware of the risk of attacks to coincide with the release of the [Rakhine
Advisory] Commission’s final report yesterday [Thursday] and had issued instructions to
relevant Union ministers," she said in the statement.
On Thursday, the commission presented its final report on the violence in Rakhine to the
government in Yangon and urged it to quickly implement its recommendations in the northern
state, which has been a hotbed of militancy. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi added: "Today’s attacks are a calculated attempt to undermine the
efforts of those seeking to build peace and harmony in Rakhine State. We must not allow our
work to be derailed by the violent actions of extremists."
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
She said the government remains firm in its commitment to find meaningful and lasting solutions
to the conflict in Rakhine and welcomed the constructive approach taken by the commission in
its final report.
A similar attack by militants on security personnel happened last October, in which nine
policemen were killed.
Schools shut down in northern Rakhine
EI SHWE PHYU 28 AUG 2017
According to the Rakhine State education office, a total of 426 schools from northern Rakhine
state already shut down due to the terrorist attack of August 25, said U Aung Kyaw Tun,
education officer for the state education office, told The Myanmar Times.
A total of 184 schools from Maungdaw township, 222 schools from Buthidaung township and 20
schools from Rathedaung township are shut down.
Schools have been closed indefinitely for nearly 159,000 students and 2500 teachers affected by
the fighting.
“Terrorism is happening in our townships. Children cannot go to school. They haven’t since
August 25 due to the attacks.” said U Khin Aung, township education officer for Maungdaw
township.
According to U Than Tun, a local from Sittwe township, over 2000 villagers fled from their
homes and are staying in a monastery in Maungdaw; over 1000 villagers left their houses and
found shelter in Buthidaung township’s monastery.
“Some of the people are from Rathedaung township, I don’t know how many people are coming
from there,” he continued.
Last October, an attack already occurred near Maungdaw township in Rakhine State. As a result,
over 400 schools were shut down for nearly three weeks in Maungdaw and Buthidaung
townships.
“I think it’s worse than last October. Last year, the terrorists just attacked the police outpost.
Now it is not only the police stations but also the ethnic people.
The situation threatens livelihood of ethnic villagers, which makes it worse than last year,” said
U Tin Aung Moe, the deputy township education officer for Buthidaung Township.
“If terrorism happens every year, children’s education from affected areas could be affected. The
burden on education is an issue that the state is not expecting,” he added, in relation to the
attacks.
“Teachers who come from other regions and states are safe,” said U Kyaw Kyaw Win, Amyothar
Hluttaw MP for Maungdaw township (constituency No. 8) concerning employee security.
Government warns local, foreign supporters of terrorists NYAN LYNN AUNG 28 AUG 2017
The government on Sunday warned local and foreign supporters of the terrorists and the Arakan
Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) that it would use the full force of the law to go after them in
the aftermath of the attacks that killed 89 people.
The State Counsellor Office Information Committee said it has sought Interpol’s help to take
action against foreign supporters of the terrorist groups amid reports that some staff of the
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
international non-government organisations in the area had been involved when Taung Bazar
village was besieged by terrorists on August 26.
“On July 30, the government has already stated that energy biscuits which the World Food
Programme has distributed has been discovered at the camp where terrorists sheltered in Ma Yu
mountains,” the office said in a statement.
“As counter-terrorism is a common interest of global families, international organisations and
governments, including the United Nations, it is crucial to counter terrorists and the ARSA
terrorist group,” it added.
According to Tatmadaw, the police outposts and police stations in Maungtaw District in the
conflict-plagued Rakhine State were attacked by terrorists on August 25 and intermittent clashes
continue between the terrorists and security forces.
UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres said the attacks were “unacceptable” and expressed
hope that those responsible will be brought to justice.
The US State Department also condemned the attacks and urged all in Burma (Myanmar),
including in Rakhine State, to work toward peace and stability through their words and actions.
The Rakhine State general administration department said almost 5000 ethnic people fled their
homes to avoid being caught in the crossfire. The state government was scheduled to provide
them assistance.
U Tin Maung Swe, deputy director general, Rakhine State general administration department,
told The Myanmar Times the state government has already provided aid for 700 ethnic people
who sought refuge in Buthidaung township.
The chief minister visited the areas where the fighting occurred to help the fleeing people and
provide them with assistance.
“We could not confirmed yet how many ethnic civilians are fleeing because there are a large
number of them moving out of their houses to escape the conflict,” he said.
The government is trying to provide aid for the people who are fleeing in all directions as
security forces try to ensure their safety.
“There are enough security forces to protect the civilians. But the big problem are the mines
planted by the terrorists before they fled. These could endanger the lives of civilians,” said U Tin
Maung Swe.
The Tatmadaw said the terrorists attacks had killed ethnic people fleeing from the fighting. The
terrorists also torched the houses of ethnic people on August 27, the Tatmadaw added.
The Tatmadaw said a total of 20 Daingnet ethnic people from Yankarzedi village in Maungtaw
township fled to Aungzan Taungyinthar village as about 100 terrorists holding swords attacked
them near the bridge at the entrance to Kyaungdoe village at 2.30 pm on August 26.
The Tatmadaw added in U Maung Ba Sein alone, some 20 ethnic people escaped from the
fighting, and there were no reports about the conditions of the other trapped villagers.
U Kyaw Kyaw Oo, deputy officer of Maungdaw district administrative department, told The
Myanmar Times the situation is getting worse as the Tatmadaw and security forces try to
establish control of the area to protect the trapped villagers.
“The situation is very bad and gunshots are ringing out across the town [of Maungdaw],” he said.
He added many people are stuck in Maungdaw township, including innocent Muslim people.
“They live by themselves and the security forces try their best to guard them,” said U Kyaw
Kyaw Oo.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
According to local Muslims in Maungdaw, they can’t go outside and they are also anxious
because the terrorist killed those they suspected to be working with the government.
A local Muslim from Maungdaw town said the security forces are guarding the area around the
Muslim quarter. However, no one can go outside from the quarter amid concerns that the
terrorists might mix in with the civilian population.
“I do not support the attacks. And I ask administrative officials to take care of those who did not
support the attacks. We are sandwiched between the terrorists and the security forces,” said the
local resident.
Over 4,000 ethnic Rakhine flee fighting NYAN LYNN AUNG 29 AUG 2017
Over 4000 ethnic Rakhine have fled their villages as fighting between terrorists and the
Tatmadaw escalated during the past three days, a Rakhine State official said Monday.
Minister for Social Welfare and Resettlement Win Myat Aye and Rakhine officials provided aid
to the beleaguered villagers and helped in their evacuation.
Minister Win Myat Aye and senior Rakhine officials visited some of the villages that were badly
damaged by the fighting, including the Taung Bazar village, where some 100 suspected terrorists
launched an attack on August 26.
The minister told The Myanmar Times that thousands of ethnic Rakhine were fleeing their homes
to avoid being caught in the crossfire.
“We only visited a few villages, so maybe in other villages more people have fled their homes,”
he said. “We are not sure if the number of evacuees has doubled but there is already a list of
evacuees.”
The Rakhine State information department said the ministers went to at least five villages in
two days and provided necessary assistance and medical kits for fleeing ethnic people. Many
people are fleeing to Sittwe, Rathidaung and Ponnagyun, which are safe places from terrorist
attacks.
Minister Win Myat Aye said they have enough provisions to support some 24,000 evacuees for
two months.
“We discussed with security forces the safety of all ethnic people and we are satisfied with
security conditions we have seen on the ground,” he said.
According to the administrative department of Maungdaw township, the police outposts and
stations in Maungdaw were attacked by terrorists before dawn on August 25 and clashes have
continued between the terrorist group and security forces since then. Security forces were also
conducting clearing operations in some villages.
U Kyaw Kyaw Oo, deputy officer of Maungdaw’s administrative department, told The
Myanmar Times many people are fleeing and some are settling in safer areas.
“In the past two days we recorded 5000 evacuees,” he said.
According to refugees living in the makeshift camps in Bangladesh, at least 2000 people have
crossed into Bangladesh since Friday.
Bangladesh, India express support for Myanmar after attacks NYAN LYNN AUNG 30 AUG 2017
The Bangladeshi Foreign Ministry has offered to help Myanmar with its security issues,
according to the Dhaka Tribune newspaper.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
In a formal letter, Bangladesh suggested a joint operation along its shared border with Myanmar,
through cooperation between the border security forces of the two countries.
The decision was conveyed to Myanmar’s acting ambassador in Dhaka, Aung Myint on
Monday.
Many international communities, including India, condemned the recent attacks in Rakhine
State in which over 90 people have been killed. India also stated that it is concerned by reports
of renewed violence and attacks by terrorists in northern Rakhine State.
“We hope that the perpetrators of these crimes will be brought to justice and we extend our
strong support to the government of Myanmar” said Ministry of External Affairs of India.
USDP’s proposal to condemn terrorism rejected again PYAE THET PHYO 30 AUG 2017
The Union Solidarity and Development Party’s (USDP) proposal to condemn terrorism in
Rakhine State which it planned to submit to Pyithu Hluttaw was rejected by Speaker U Win
Myint, said MP U Hla Htay Win from Zayarthiri township on Tuesday.
He said he presented the submission of the proposal to Pyithu Hluttaw’s director general on
August 28 and but was told it could not be discussed in the parliament. This is the second time
that USDP’s proposals were rejected.
“The reason why parliament didn’t allow discussing our proposal was that the government has
already announced about terrorist organisation so that our proposal condemning terrorism is no
longer necessary. The parliament told us this morning,” said U Hla Htay Win.
He said he can’t accept what the speaker said because he assumed the situation is highly
dangerous for the country and that is why he attempted to submit the proposal.
“I want our MPs to have the right view. Only with the right view, they can act rightly. That is
why I tried to submit this proposal to guide them to see things the right way.”
“I dare to swear that I didn’t make this proposal based on hatred and thought of opposition. I
assume that we have duty to create a peaceful environment that we can leave to our next
generation. That is why I will continue trying,” said U Hla Htay Win.
He said there are schemes and incitements of some powerful countries behind the terrorist
attacks in Rakhine State, so things will go wrong if the country deals with this problem by a
single decision-maker.
“If things went wrong, authorities will say “sorry”. There is no sorry in politics. It will be too late
when they say sorry and our country may disappear at that time,” said U Hla Htay Win.
U Thaung Aye, Pyithu Hluttaw representative of Pyawbwe constituency, whose proposal was
rejected for Rakhine State terrorism said that the government should call the National Defence
and Security Council to have good administration and security.
“I want the government to have awareness. In human rights, we do not need to care for the
human rights of the ethnic people and the government staff who live in our country in accord
with law. They trespassed into our country with their human rights and created terrorisms. Do
they have human rights?” he said.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Military action in Rakhine legal, says security chief NYAN LYNN AUNG 30 AUG 2017
All military operations against terrorist attacks are legal, said National Security Adviser U
Thaung Tun on Monday, responding to criticism of the military’s actions after the terrorist
attacks in Rakhine State.
“We will exercise our right to defend ourselves. We will be disciplined in our response, and it is
all legal,” said U Thaung Tun.
He made the statement before the Minister of Home Affairs Lt. General Kyaw Swe, and other
senior officials met with the heads of diplomatic missions and UN agencies at the National
Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) in Yangon on Monday to brief about the situation in
Rakhine State.
U Thaung Tun said security personnel have defended themselves as citizens, and every nation
has the right to protect its civilians and property. He called the attacks a crime against Myanmar
citizens, against the nation, and against law and order.
According to the Home Affairs Ministry, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army has attacked at
least 40 police posts and checkpoints and one military base in three townships of northern
Rakhine State and there have been more than 60 clashes between security forces and terrorists
since Friday.
The reported death toll has climbed to over 100, including many terrorists.
“Many clashes have occurred while security forces carry out clearance operations,” said Pol.
Brig. General Win Tun of the ministry, adding that the operations were being conducted
“according to the rule of law.”
Pol. Brig. General Win Tun said many local Muslim participated in the attacks because the
terrorists threatened them if they refused.
Lt. General Kyaw Swe identified the attackers as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)
and said the attacks in Maungdaw township were planned well in advance and were assisted by
foreign funding and members of foreign terrorist organisations.
“Remote areas of the township are still dangerous but much of downtown area is under control,”
he said.
He said the government is investigating claims that landmines planted by the attackers had been
made from materials, such as steel pipes and ammonia, imported by staff members of
international non-government organisations.
Unlike most of Rakhine State, a majority of Maungdaw’s people identify themselves as
Rohingya Muslims. Tensions between that largely stateless community and Rakhine’s Buddhists
have persisted for more than four years after violence tore through the state in 2012, displacing
more than 100,000 people.
According to the Maungdaw district administrative department, there are nearly 200,000
Muslims in more than 150 villages in the northern part of Maungdaw where two attacks have
occurred since October 9 last year.
According to refugees living in makeshift camps in Bangladesh, at least 6000 people have crossed into Bangladesh since October’s military crackdown and clearance operation.
A UN spokesman said on Tuesday that UN Secretary-General António Guterres is deeply
concerned about the reports of civilians being killed by security forces in Rakhine State.
“The responsibility of the government of Myanmar is to provide security and assistance to those
in need,” said the secretary-general.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
New satellite data is consistent with widespread burning in at least 10 areas of northern Rakhine
State, Human Rights Watch said Tuesday.
Human Rights Watch said the Myanmar government should grant access to independent
monitors to determine the sources of the fires and assess allegations of human rights violations.
“This new satellite data should cause concern and prompt action by donors and UN agencies to
urge the government to reveal the extent of ongoing destruction in Rakhine State,” said Phil
Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
“Shuffling all the blame on insurgents doesn’t spare the government from its international
obligations to stop abuses and investigate alleged violations,” he added.
NDSC meeting may be called if violence in Rakhine worsens HTOO THANT 30 AUG 2017
The National Defence and Security Council (NDSC) meeting will be called and coordinations
made if violent attacks in Rakhine State become more intense, said Deputy Chief of Military
Affairs Security Major General Than Htut Thein said Tuesday.
“If the conditions of violent attacks, killings and burnings become more intense, as it can
become a free area after the western gate is broken, National Defence and Security Council
(NDSC) meeting will be called and coordination will be made as necessary,” he said at the press
conference on Rakhine affairs held at the office of Commander-in-chief of Defense Services in
Nay Pyi Taw.
The high-powered NDSC has never been convened under the NLD government and the
proposal clearly indicates the seriousness to bring peace and stability to the conflict-prone
Rakhine.
According to Section 412 (a) of the constitution, if the president learns that or if the respective
local administrative body submits that there arises sufficient reason that would endanger the
lives, shelter and property of the public in a region or a state or a Union Territory or a Self-
administered area, after co-ordinating with the National Defense and Security Council, may
promulgate an ordinance and declare a state of emergency.
The security forces are operating in full strength and the administration has collapsed in
Buthidaung and Maungdaw as the villages there had been burnt down, he said.
“Government employees from administration, education and health departments had run away
for their lives to safe locations and they were no longer in the village as the administration has
broken down,” he said.
And as the sense of mistrust, concerns and hatred between the two communities is at the peak,
security forces, including the Tatmadaw members, has been trying to maintain peace and
security, said Major General Than Htut Thein.
Reports in the social media about convening the NDSC is not true and the Tatmadaw is just
following the decision of the President, according to Major General Aung Ye Win.
“On social media, people express the opinion that the Tatmadaw has six votes in the NDSC and
the civilians have five votes, and if NDSC decides, the Tatmadaw can do whatever they want.
Actually, whatever matter is discussed, the final decision will be made by the President.
The Tatmadaw has already reported the current situation, the situation that should be and the
situation that we want. Calling NDSC meeting or not depends on the government,” he added.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Hluttaw OKs action against terrorists, help for displaced villagers PYAE THET PHYO 31 AUG 2017
The Amyotha Hluttaw approved a proposal that urged the Union government to identify
members of terrorist organisations in Rakhine State, take action against them under the anti-
terrorism law, and help displaced ethnic people return to their villages, on Wednesday.
The urgent proposal was submitted by MP U Khin Maung Latt of Rakhine State’s Constituency
3 and discussed by 23 MPs. Deputy Minister for Home Affairs Major General Aung Soe
seconded the proposal and parliament approved it with 189 votes for.
The deputy minister said authorities will take action against terrorists and those who support
them in accordance with the anti-terrorism law, and section 144 has been used where necessary.
The Tatmadaw and Myanmar Police have tightened security to protect local people and are
focusing on development of the state, he added.
“We are trying to resettle displaced people and ensure security and stability. I seconded the
proposal because its objective is exactly like the government’s strategy,” he told the media after
the meeting.
On August 24, before Friday’s terrorist attacks in Rakhine, MP Daw Khin Saw Wai of
Rathedaung township submitted an urgent proposal to the Pyithu Hluttaw, but there were 232
votes against it after Minister for Home Affairs Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe said it should be
shelved.
Major General Aung Soe said that while Daw Khin Saw Wai’s proposal in the Pyithu Hluttaw
aimed to boost state security and administration, U Khin Maung Latt’s proposal was aimed at the
Union government.
“The main point of the latter is to identify violent terrorist organisations and take action against
them under the anti-terrorism law and ensure that ethnic Rakhine people who have had to flee
their villages can return home,” said the deputy minister.
He added that the government will continue to take action under international law against NGO
organisations it suspects of helping the terrorists.
“The places where terrorist groups have hidden have food provided by international
organisations, so they may be involved,” said Major General Aung Soe.
His proposal will protect people’s lives and property and reduce anxiety, said U Khin Maung
Latt.
“It helps to protect our country a lot,” he added.
Group demands media access, protection of Rakhine citizens NAW BETTY HAN 31 AUG 2017
In the wake of the Rakhine State crisis, civil societies in the country urged the government to
protect the rights of all citizens, provide proper media access and their intention to work with
authorities.
A total of 255 organisations from the Civil Society Organisation (CSO) expressed their
collective intentions in statement on August 28, in relation to the conflict in Maungdaw and
Buthidaung townships.
“We want people in Myanmar and international community to receive credible news and updates
in real time, about the situation of local communities, the situation on the ground as well as news
about the conflict.
“We demand the government of Myanmar swiftly grant unimpeded access for independent news
agencies and provide security to reporters, said the statement.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
“We signed together and took a public stance on what is really going on in Rakhine,” said U Han
Soe, from Swetahar, a civil society organisation, who is also the coordinator of this event.
The groups also urged the media to raise awareness about the civil society impacted by the
Rakhine turmoil.
The message will also be sent to governmental organisations as a formal letter, said U Thant Zin
from Myanmar Alliance Transparency and Accountability organisation.
He added that it is the first time that the 225 organisations have come together to express a
stance, adding, “This is our way to participate.”
The statement emphasised the impact of armed violence in Rakhine State on families and
communities that have lost their lives, livelihoods and homes.
The participation of local communities and civil society organisations removes barriers and
restrictions that weakens public participation, read the statement.
The civil societies demand that the government protects the safety, dignity and basic human
rights of all the civilians with equity and fairness, and be accountable in accordance with
international human rights and humanitarian laws, added the statement.
The CSO statement comes days after terrorists carried out armed attacks on security forces in the
state. The fighting since then has killed about 100 people.
Rakhine State and the raging information war THE MYANMAR TIMES 01 SEP 2017
Two conflicts are raging in Rakhine State. One is on the ground and has claimed the lives of
about 100 people since the August 25 terrorist attacks in Muangdaw and Buthidaung townships,
while the second is in cyberspace and has intensified beyond all imagination.
After the attacks, which happened a day after the Kofi Annan commission released its final
report on Rakhine, the State Counsellor’s Office quickly came out with a statement strongly
condemning the attack along with guidelines for the media in addressing the issues in Rakhine.
National Security Adviser U Thaung Tun also gave a press conference and provided an official
account of what occurred in the northern territory.
The information relating to the incidents was well publicised throughout the world. Early
headlines focused on international condemnation of the attacks on government positions and the
resulting casualties. However, days after the attacks, the information flow began to ebb from
government sources. While the government managed to arrange for a group of reporters from
local and international media to cover the attacks, their access was limited.
Then Yangon-based civil society organisations urged the government to allow them into the
two troubled townships so they could assess the situation directly in the search for appropriate
remedial responses. Indeed, valuable lessons should be drawn from the aftermath of Cyclone
Nargis, which hit the Ayeyarwady Delta in 2008. Outside and independent assessments helped
Myanmar mobilise international support and win sympathy. Since then, Myanmar has become
more open with increased CSO presence. At the same time, after five decades of isolation, the
authorities were now willing to engage with CSOs, turning Myanmar into one of the most
dynamic people-centered ASEAN members. Although they receive foreign funding, their objectives are to provide additional assistance that will complement existing efforts on the
ground provided by the government of the day
In coming days, both media and CSO representatives should be allowed into the areas so they
can make independent assessments. Without additional evaluation on the ground, the credibility
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
of information and observations provided by the government or security forces could be at the
low level. Obviously, to enter conflict areas all precautions must be taken to ensure safety.
The other front is the conflict being fought in cyberspace. These days, the ubiquitous social
media can do a lot of good and harm at the same time. Unsubstantiated rumours, biased
information and fake news are common these days – not only on issues related to Rakhine.
Extremist and terrorist organisations are well-versed in exploiting the unlimited potential of
cyberspace to their advantage.
The government and security forces must think outside the box as far as public diplomacy is
concerned. Myanmar is no longer a dictatorship but a democracy, and the whole world is
watching how the National League for Democracy, lead by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, would
resolve the conflict in Rakhine.
Media and CSO access to the conflict areas should be granted whenever there is a guarantee that
safety measures are in place. To avoid media and CSO scrutiny on the ground is not a good
option because it will allow extremists armed with high-tech resources to spread their message
and dominate the public discussion of the situation in Rakhine State.
To improve the awareness and understanding of the international community about Rakhine, all
concerned authorities must be candid. In a world of interconnectivity and instant information, it
is better to come clean at the first opportunity. That way, truthful information will prevail and
help all stakeholders in the country have a thorough knowledge and appreciation of the
government’s efforts to deploy preventive measure to provide public security.
Without understanding and support, especially of homegrown narratives, the rest of the world
will look elsewhere.
Nearly K2 billion donated to Rakhine STAFF 04 SEP 2017
Local private companies and families of the Tatmadaw have donated nearly K2 billion to
security forces, public servants and ethnic nationals temporarily seeking refuge from ARSA
extremist terrorists in Rakhine State.
The donation ceremony was held in Nay Pyi Taw on September 1, reported the state media on
September 2.
Commander in Chief of the Defence Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing was quoted
as saying that Tatmadaw will completely preserve and protect Myanmar’s sovereignty.
“Today’s donors are honoured and appreciated for their sympathy and spirit of nationalism,” he
said.
Not only the security forces, but also all public servants and the entire nation must defend
together with patriotism, he was quoted as saying in the state newspapers.
He added that Alethankyaw event that happened in 1942 when local ethnic nationals were
attacked and driven out must not happen again.
Indonesian FM discusses Rakhine with State Counsellor, Commander-in-Chief STAFF AND ASSOCIATED PRESS 05 SEP 2017
Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi has expressed her government’s support for
Myanmar’s actions for the stability, peace and development in Rakhine State.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The visiting Indonesian official made the comments during a meeting with the State Counsellor
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Nay Pyi Taw at noon on September 4.
The Indonesian minister discussed about giving humanitarian assistance, exchanged views on
development and bilateral cooperation.
The meeting was also attended by Union Minister for the State Counsellor Office U Kyaw Tint
Swe, National Security Adviser U Thaung Tun, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs U Kyaw
Tin and Indonesian Ambassador to Myanmar.
The Indonesia Foreign Minister also met with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing separately in the
morning on September 4.
At the meeting, the Senior General explained the real situation of ARSA extremist terrorist
attacks in Buthitaung and Maungdaw in Rakhine State that started on August 25.
The Senior General and the Indonesian minister exchanged views on humanitarian assistance to
Rakhine, according to the State Counsellor’s Office and Commander in Chief’s Office Facebook
pages.
Marsudi said after the meetings with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the country’s armed forces
commander that “de-escalation” of tensions in Rakhine State should be the top priority of
Myanmar’s government.
Marsudi said she is the first foreign minister to meet with Myanmar’s leadership since violence
erupted again in Rakhine on August 25, triggering an exodus of Rohingya Muslims to
neighbouring Bangladesh.
She said in a statement: “The security authorities of Myanmar need to immediately stop all forms
of violence that occurred in Rakhine State and provide protection to all people, including the
Muslim community.”
Marsudi said Indonesia has submitted a five-point plan to Myanmar that needs immediate
implementation “so that the crisis of humanity and security will not worsen.”
Maungdaw Rehabilitation Committee to assist Rakhine reconstruction
CHAN THAR 06 SEP 2017
A Maungdaw Rehabilitation Committee called the “Western Border Rakhine Construction
Committee” was formed on September 4. It comprises Hluttaw MPs, historians and old leaders
from the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF)
The committee will be led by Alotaw Pyae Sayadaw and it will implement rehabilitation
projects focusing on economy, health and education for Rakhine residents who fled from the
terrorist attacks, adviser of the committee, Amyotha Hluttaw MP U Oo Hla Saw told the
Myanmar Times on September 5.
“This matter is related to all Rakhine people. We thought there should be a committee for
reconstruction, the development of the economy and education. False information regarding the
situation in Rakhine is being spread. One of the objectives of the committee is to address this
false news.” U Oo Hla Saw said.
There were 90 instances where terrorists and the Tatmadaw engaged in battle between August 25
and August 30. As a result, 370 terrorists were killed and nine were arrested, according to a
statement by the commander-in-chief’s office. Thirteen security members and two government
staff members also died.
Maungdaw was labeled as a “military operation area” in order to conduct clearing operations till
it becomes safe from terrorist attacks, according to the statements from the government
information committee and the commander-in-chief’s office.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Ethnic people from 70 villages had to flee from their houses and take shelter in monasteries and
schools.
As open conflict is still underway in Maungdaw, the committee mainly focuses on rescue
missions and providing assistance, said U Oo Hla Saw. “After eliminating the terrorists, we will
set detailed strategies for the reconstruction of the area, including in the field of education and
health. Right now, we are mainly doing rescue missions,” he said.
The Western Border Rakhine Construction Committee will be based in Sittwe. It will also form
sub-committees to carry out the tasks.
Armed ethnic groups concerned about Rakhine CHAN THAR 06 SEP 2017
Leaders from eight armed ethnic groups, who signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement
(NCA) expressed their concerns over the terrorist attacks in Rakhine, at a meeting held in Chiang
Mai, Thailand starting on September 4. The meeting aims at drafting a peace strategy for the
implementation of the NCA.
At the meeting, Karen National Union Chair Saw Mutu Sae Poe discussed several topics, such
as: the current terrorist attacks in Rakhine State; the call by local political parties to hold a
National Defense and Security Council meeting; the opinion of the Federal Political Negotiation
and Consultative Committee – composed of 7 members of the northern alliance and led by
United Wa State Army; and the opinion of the United Nationalities Federal Council in the
drafting of the peace strategy.
“We need to think carefully whether the current political situation has any effect on our peace
process.” he said.
The peace strategy aims at smoothing out the implementation of the NCA, ethnic leaders told the
media. The inclusion of unsigned armed groups to the table is a possible item on the agenda for
peace implementation, and it should be written down in the peace strategy, he added.
“If we look at it from the international associations’ and government’s perspectives, I think
we’re under the Ethnic Armed Organisations. Truth be told, although we have the same goal,
there are some differences. You know that we are not made up of one ethnicity. There are a lot of
differences in the languages and cultures. And these differences should be acknowledged
honestly; the main goal should be established so that a collaborative strategy can be carried out.
Only then can we establish the federal state that we all desired.” said Saw Mutu Say Poe.
In order to draw and approve the peace strategy, organisations such as the Peace Process Steering
Team - which includes leaders from eight ethnic armed groups that signed the NCA - the Union
Peace Dialogue Joint Committee, and the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee, will have a
comprehensive meeting. The meeting will be held from September 4 to 7.
“We can only proceed toward the Federal Democratic Union we all wish for with unity among us
eight groups. We also need strategic discussions as well as co-operations with other ethnic
groups, all of the MPs and a third party”, said Saw Mutu Sae Phoe.
The ethnic groups signatory to the NCA have reviewed the peace process and implementation
conditions in Lawkhila.
Rakhine fighting traps teachers
EI SHWE PHYU 06 SEP 2017
About one hundred teachers and villagers have been trapped north of Maungdaw township,
according to a teacher from Yan Aung Pyin village. “Many villagers are trapped in the
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
northern quarter of Maungdaw township. As far as I know, there are several teachers among
them” said the teacher, one of the headmasters of Yan Aung Pyin village, who requested not to
be named. He was also trapped in Yan Aung Pyin from August 25 to September 4, and was
rescued Monday.
On August 25, terrorist attacks shook northern Rakhine. Schools were shut down as a result.
According to the Rakhine State education office, 426 schools in northern Rakhine have shut
down due to the attacks.
U Phone Ko Naing, administrator of Kyein Chaung village said: “We already evacuated
teachers from our village to a safe place.”
According to the Wan Lark Foundation of Arakan, which works in humanitarian aid, peace and
development in the region, about 6000 people fled from northern Rakhine from August 27 to
September 5.
U Khine Kaung San, director of Wan Lark Foundation of Arakan, said, “I heard that many
people are trapped in their villages.”
The 6000 people are currently sheltered in 20 monasteries in Sittwe township. Some of them
have found refuge with relatives. About 2000 people from Buthidaung township and 1000 from
Maungdaw township have fled to urban areas and are sheltering in religious buildings or camps.
“I don’t know exactly but I think the remaining people are not trapped. I think it is just difficult
to reach these areas and people are afraid to go out due to landmines. Thus, I think they are
staying where they are. I don’t know whether the rescuers will venture there. We can’t say
exactly because the phone lines don’t work well,” added U Phone Ko Naing.
As a result of the terrorist attacks in northern Rakhine on August 25, 184 schools in Maungdaw
township, 222 schools in Buthidaung township and 20 schools in Rathedaung township are shut
down. Schools have been closed indefinitely for nearly 159,000 students and 2500 teachers
affected by the events. Last October, an attack occurred near Maungdaw township in Rakhine
State. As a result, over 400 schools were shut down for nearly three weeks in Maungdaw and
Buthidaung townships.
Government on alert against bombs in Yangon, key cities STAFF 07 SEP 2017
Government security forces have been placed on highest alert amid reports terrorists might
launch bomb attacks in Yangon, Nay Pyi Taw and other key cities, a government statement
said, as clearing operations continued in Rakhine state, which have been subject of deadly
attacks last week.
“Government has already issued security alerts and instructions to all state and regional
governments throughout the country,” the office of the State Counsellor said in a statement on
Tuesday.
“It is important to remain vigilant of the fact that there is a possible danger of terrorist attacks
being used to incite ethnic and religious tension or public unrest,” it added.
The government enjoined the people to be very vigilant specially when in public places and to
report any suspicious persons or activities in their areas. “People also need to be on guard against those instigators who, for their own benefit and interest,
will foment ethnic or religious tension using the possible threats of terrorist attacks,” said the
statement.
“The people are urged to stand together with the government and render their cooperation in the
government’s efforts to maintain peace and stability throughout the country,” it added.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The State Counsellor Office assured the people that the government is doing its best to stabilise
and secure communities in Rakhine in the aftermath of terrorists attacks on at least 26 security
force and police outposts in the conflict-ridden state starting on August 25.
The Tatmadaw said over 400 people were killed and tens of thousands were forced to flee from
their homes in the aftermath of the attacks and the subsequent government clearing operations.
“The government security forces are undertaking security operations to maintain peace and
stability that have been threatened by the brutal attacks of the ARSA extremist terrorist group in
Northern Rakhine State,” the Office of the State Counsellor said.
“At the same time, the government is providing emergency aid and relief to those who are
displaced by the attacks,”it said.
The government vowed that it would ensure that those inhabitants who are innocent and not part
of the terrorist movement would be able to live without fear for their safety and security, while
vowing to bring the terrorists to justice.
Myanmar has been under intense pressure from the international community over its alleged
failure to resolve the Rakhine issue, which has festered during the last five years.
The United Nations said that more than 125,000 refugees from Rakhine have fled to Bangladesh
since the fighting erupted in August.
Myanmar will not take back people without papers HTOO THANT 07 SEP 2017
People who fled to Bangladesh from the fighting in Rakhine State will not be allowed back in
without proof of citizenship, according to National Security Adviser (NSA) U Thaung Tun.
“Citizens must have proof of how many years they have lived in Myanmar. If found to be true,
they can come back. But it will not be possible if they are not a Myanmar citizen,” he told a news
conference on Rakhine at the State Counsellor’s Office on Wednesday.
Although a security warning was issued in major cities like Nay Pyi Taw, Yangon, Mandalay
and Mawlamyaing, people need not worry, he said, even though recent reports suggest that ISIS,
which has become weak in the Middle East, might try to infiltrate South East Asia.
The President is holding daily discussions on security matters in Rakhine State with the
ministries of Defence, Home Affairs and Border Affairs, as well as the NSA, he said. However,
he did not mention the possibility of the government calling a meeting of the National Defence
and Security Council.
The government is taking necessary measures to protect the State and the people and strengthen
the police in Rakhine State, he added.
The government is also implementing the recommendations of Kofi Annan’s advisory
commission on Rakhine, which delivered its final report on August 24. Initial measures include
allowing the media to enter the terrorist attack areas and giving humanitarian aid. However, one
of the recommendations – the amendment of the 1982 Citizenship Law – will have to be dealt by
the Hluttaw.
Many Muslim residents of Buthidaung, Maungdaw and Rathedaung townships have been asking
the government for help and handing over terrorists they had arrested, said Social Welfare,
Rescue and Resettlement Minister U Win Myat Aye.
“Some [Muslim residents] have contacted us to say that there were no attacks in their areas, they
never carried out any attacks, and they had to stay together for fear that they might be attacked,”
he said, adding that local authorities were trying to contact them to provide aid.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The Myanmar government is negotiating with donor countries and the Myanmar Red Cross
Society to accept humanitarian aid offered by the US, Britain, the EU and Denmark. Any country
that wants to donate aid has to first ask the government, U Thaung Tun said.
“They can contact the government. We are accepting it,” he added.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi attended the UN General Assembly and delivered a speech last
September, but it has not yet been confirmed whether either President U Htin Kyaw or Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi will attend this year, he said.
ASEAN’s Timor response shows way on Rakhine SURIN PITSUWAN 07 SEP 2017
As a 10-member inter-governmental body, ASEAN prides itself on having survived many
regional crises and emergency situations, becoming “a community of sharing and caring
societies”.
However, the Rakhine communal crisis is a new challenge in which ASEAN’s credibility is
being put to test.
ASEAN has taken a role in containing a number of regional conflicts. In the early and late 1990s
the regional group helped tackle conflicts in Cambodia and engaged in international efforts to
restore law and order in East Timor. In early and late 2000s, ASEAN helped contain escalating
conflicts in Aceh, Indonesia, and border tensions between Cambodia and Thailand.
Even though those collective efforts were conducted with quiet diplomacy and collective
political will, they helped contain the conflicts.
When Myanmar was hit by Cyclone Nargis in 2008, ASEAN proved it could take a regional
leadership role in arranging a humanitarian response to the devastation caused by the disaster.
From 2008 to 2010, during which I spearheaded ASEAN’s humanitarian efforts, the regional
grouping, with the support of the United Nations, the World Bank and the international
community, was able to organise international humanitarian assistance to victims of the cyclone
at a time when Myanmar was still under sanctions by many countries.
The current prevailing and deteriorating situation in Rakhine, which the UN secretary-general
describes as a possible “human catastrophe”, is another test for ASEAN’s “solidarity, efficacy
and credibility.”
ASEAN can act to address the Rakhine crisis. In that event, here is my suggestion: Adopt the
modality of its engagement in the East Timorese 1999 crisis.
During that time, Thailand was the ASEAN chair. Some ASEAN member countries were not
willing to engage in an international effort to bring about peace and security to East Timor
during which anti-independence militants’ attacks on civilians turned into violence throughout
the country.
But Thailand’s prime minister at the time, Chuan Leekpai, as ASEAN chair, suggested these
words which helped break the deadlock: “Those ASEAN member states which are prepared and
willing can join the International Force for East Timor.”
He was referring to a multinational task force organised by Australia to address the humanitarian
and security crisis in the country from 1999-2000 prior to the arrival of the United Nations
peacekeeping force.
After Chuan’s remark, ASEAN engagement in East Timor became “a coalition of the willing”,
helping the regional grouping avoid having to gain the consensus required for its decision-
making principles.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
ASEAN must now act again to address the Rakhine crisis. It will have to act fast to save lives
and prevent the carnage from deteriorating and escalating into regional tensions.
The world is watching. ASEAN’s credibility and profile are hanging in the balance.
– Bangkok Post
Surin Pitsuwan is former secretary-general of ASEAN and former foreign minister of Thailand.
Rakhine conflict about national security, says French academic NAW BETTY HAN 08 SEP 2017
The raging Rakhine conflict is not about religion but a national security matter, said a French
academic.
“This is not about religious problem or about ethnics. This is about national security,” Dr
Jacques P Leider, head of the French Institute of Asian Studies, told a workshop on Thursday
entitled “Talk on Rakhine Issue, Discussion on Finding Solutions”.
The six main topics discussed at the workshop were the background of the Rohingya people, the
main reasons for current conflict, migration problem, the international participation on Rakhine
issue, Asian communication and final solutions.
“All of the people in Myanmar from related sectors should look in every case that separates
terrorism and religion," he added.
Participants of the workshops, which include local and foreign academics and social experts, said
discussing the problem openly and frankly would be the first step in finding solution to the
problem.
“This is the first workshop in Myanmar which celebrated with local and international speakers to
share knowledge about the solutions of [the] Rakhine issue,” said U Ko Ko Hlaing, an
international researcher for the Defense Service Academy.
“This aimed to know what the international community thinks about Rakhine people’s struggles
based on reality. A solution may come out if the current situation was presented from their
standing point," he said.
The government needs to improve the development plan for the whole area, the infrastructure
projects, logistics and also power supply, U Ko Ko Hlaing added.
“It needs to come up with [a] quick-win income generation and job creation program along with
socio-economic development schemes such as health and education, settlement of citizenship
issue according to law, counter-terrorism measures including detoxification of dangerous
extremism in Rakhine State,” he added.
The participants noted that there is no such term as Rohingya, and in order to solve the conflict
issue in Rakhine, comprehensive approach must be done along with multi-faceted strategy.
‘’The terrorists appear in the situation for their own survival but it doesn’t mean we are
supportive of their manners,’’ a Bangladeshi participant said.
The participants also noted that international non-governmental organisations and international
media should be balanced in dealing with Rakhine issues. The governmental organisations
should have to go ahead about saving and helping the people by improving national security.
Review of Citizenship Law spurs debate AUNG KYAW MIN 08 SEP 2017
The Citizenship Law, enacted in 1982 by the Burmese Socialist Programme Party, is no ordinary
law but is directly related to all national races and national security.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The final report on Rakhine State by Kofi Annan’s Advisory Commission on August 24
recommended a review of the 35-year-old law because it is not in line with international
standards and conventions that Myanmar has signed and needs to be amended.
To amend the law has been debated among Myanmar people for a long time. Legal experts say
the citizenship law is best for national politics under military rule. During U Thein Sein’s
government, a proposal submitted by a Union Solidarity and Development Party MP urging the
government to repeal the law and enact a new one was approved by the Hluttaw.
The 35-year-old law has eight chapters and 76 sections. When reviewed, it was found to need
many revisions and insertions, so it would be better to repeal it and enact a new one, said MP U
Tin Mya of Sagaing Region’s Constituency No. 7, who submitted the proposal.
The Citizenship Law was drafted by legal experts like former President and Chief Justice Dr.
Maung Maung, but after 30 years, it was necessary to make amendments, U Tin Mya told the
First Hluttaw.
“When we study similar laws in neighbouring countries, we see that Chinese law is very stable,
as are those of India, Bangladesh and Thailand. So, we decided that a new law was needed,” U
Tin Mya said.
However, after much discussion, the proposal was scrapped, said former Amyotha Hluttaw MP
U Hla Swe.
Revising the law
The ruling NLD party stated before the 2015 election that the Citizenship law should be
reviewed and amended. The government and Hluttaw will be responsible for amending the law,
NLD Central Executive Committee member U Nyan Win told The Myanmar Times on
September 4.
“For a political solution, the law needs to be revised so that it doesn’t mention national race as
regards citizenship,” U Nyan Win said.
Kofi Annan’s report says “While recognising that the 1982 law is the current basis for
citizenship, the commission recommends that the government set in motion a process to review
the law. As part of such a review, the government might wish to consider the following: aligning
the law with international standards and treaties to which Myanmar is a state party, bringing the
legislation into line with best practices, including the abolition of distinctions between different
types of citizens, and that as a general rule, individuals will not lose their citizenship or have it
revoked where this will leave them stateless.
“Within a reasonable timeline, the government should present a plan for the start of the process
to review the citizenship law. The government should also propose interim measures to ensure
that – until new or amended legislation is in place – existing legislation is interpreted and applied
in a manner that is non-discriminatory. The law should be reviewed to ensure the equitable
treatment of all citizens.”
“All six Myanmar members on the commission said the law cannot be repealed immediately. It
is still valid today and verification must be done in accordance with that law,” commission
member Daw Saw Khin Tin said.
“At present, we have to do verification based on the 1982 law. It is a firm law still in force.
Without a firm law, we can’t do anything. We have explained this often to the Muslim
community,” she said.
Draft took six years
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Although there may be weaknesses compared to international laws, it took six years to draft the
1982 law, and at the moment, there is no plan to amend it, said U Thein Swe, minister for labour,
immigration and population, after the release of the Annan report.
The law was enacted after revising the Union Citizenship Act of 1948. Ethnic groups who lived
in Myanmar before British colonial rule are defined as national races according to the law.
History records state that Bogyoke Aung San, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s father, tried to regain
independence with a promise to give citizenship to foreigners who were brought into Myanmar
by the British.
It was enacted under U Ne Win’s rule and skipped the stage of “rules” to “procedures”, said U
Kyaw Sein, former deputy director general of the Union Attorney General’s Office.
Legal documents in Myanmar are classified (in descending order of importance) as the
Constitution, laws, acts, rules, bye-laws, regulations, notifications, orders and directives.
Under the 1982 law, people were classified as a citizen, associate citizen, naturalised citizen or
foreigner, and respective procedures were enacted without stipulating rules first.
“After a law’s enactment, “rules” must first be stipulated and then “procedures”. During the
BSPP government, they used to skip the “rules” portion of the process because they had to be
submitted to U Ne Win first,” U Kyaw Sein said.
The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw’s Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission was formed
in March 2016 to review current laws. Amendment of the citizenship law is related to state
policy, said U Kyaw Sein, who is also a member of the commission.
“There is no discussion of amending the law because it is a very big issue and will not be easy,”
he said. Opinions of it also vary among MPs, and some political parties and nationalist groups
want it left alone.
Citizenship for all
High Court Lawyer U Thein Than Oo of the Myanmar Lawyers Network said citizenship should
be granted to anyone, and only then will the law comply with international norms.
In all citizenship laws, national interests always have priority, so Myanmar can draft its
citizenship law any way it wants to, legal experts said.
U Htay Oo, an MP from Yangon Region and a high court lawyer, opposes amending the law to
grant citizenship to Bengalis and calls such a move irresponsible.
“Amending the law would be a step backward. If we relax it, it will be exploited, not only on the
Bangladesh border but also the China border. If we amend it carelessly, it will damage the state,”
he said.
Some legal experts and MPs welcome such an amendment, saying it would make it possible to
restore the Myanmar citizenship of those who lost it after the 1988 demonstrations.
“Rohingya are not recognised as one of our 135 national races, but they may be citizens. U
Razak was an Indian, but we pay respect to him every year on Martyrs Day. A national and a
citizen are different,” U Hla Swe said.
USDP accuses foreign media, NGOs of making Rakhine conflict worse NAW BETTY HAN 11 SEP 2017
The country’s main opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) blamed the
foreign media and international humanitarian organisations for the worsening conflict in Rakhine
State, a senior party leader said.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
“Current Rakhine conditions are worse than before because of international media groups,” said
U Than Htay, president of USDP, during a workshop with representatives of 30 other political
parties.
The speaker noted that the main reason for the growing unrest in Rakhine is due to the biased
international media and international organisations, which describe the conflict as between two
religions even though it is plainly a national security issue.
“The international media and international organisations are playing politics,” said Dr Daw Yin
Nwe, a former member of the Rakhine commission.
The Rakhine issue reflects the failure of the government’s administrative system. It has become
the best proof for the weakness of government as it was made to be sustainable with Emergency
Act of Section 144 and could not be controlled with the normal administrative system, said U
Than Htay.
The workshop participants noted that a democratic country should be able to have an effective
administrative system, failure to do so would mean losing the sovereign right.
People should support the government’s efforts to ensure an effective administrative system,
they said.
The USDP sent the statements about the Rakhine issues to the related government organisations
about how to handle the international media and international organisations, but did not get any
response.
‘’We didn’t accept the statement of Kofi Annan’s commission and other international
organisations as our country issues is ours and does not need to be internationalised,” said Dr
Nandar Hla Myint, the spokesperson of USDP.
This Rakhine issue should be dealth with the Citizenship Law, Section 88, he said.
About 1.1 million IDPs live in Rakhine, but are denied citizenship and face restrictions on their
movements and access to basic services, according to reports. About 120,000 remain in camps
set up after deadly violence swept the state in 2012.
Government rejects appeal for ceasefire NYAN LYNN AUNG 11 SEP 2017
The government on Sunday rebuffed a ceasefire appeal by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation
Army (ARSA) terrorists to put an end to the mass exodus of hundreds of thousands of people to
neighbouring Bangladesh and to allow humanitarian agencies to provide aid to civilians.
The ARSA, which the government has labelled extremist terrorist organisation, launched
simultaneous attacks against government security outposts in northern Rakhine State on August
25, triggering fierce retaliation from government security forces.
Hundreds of thousands of the Muslim minority people in the area fled to nearby Bangladesh for
fear of being trapped in the middle of the fighting and for fear of retaliation from government
forces.
"We have no policy to negotiate with terrorists," U Zaw Htay, government official and director
general of State Counsellor Office twitted on his official twitter as a respond to ARSA’s
statement calling for a ceasefire to allow humanitarian aid to civilian populations in the area.
They have declared a temporary cessation from offensive military operations in Maungdaw,
Buthidaung and Rathidaung townships for one month from September 10 to October 9 in order
for civilians to access humanitarian aids.
The statement came amid reports in the area about possible clashes between the ethnic Rakhine
community and the Muslim population amid rising tension.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Last week the government also called for the people to exercise extra vigilance amid reports that
ARSA extremist terrorists were preparing to launch bomb attacks Yangon and other key cities in
the country.
“It is important to remain vigilant of the fact that there is a possible danger of terrorist attacks
being used to incite ethnic or religious tension or public unrest” said the statement of State
Counsellor Office on September 5.
Moreover, the incitement of news came out on social media two days ago that the violence will
occur on today between two communities, Rahine and Muslim and be careful as people.
The Islamic Organizations in Myanmar urged Muslims not to believe in fake news being
spread in the social media that violence might erupt between the ethnic Rakhine communities
and Muslims in the conflict zones.
The Islamic Organization in Myanmar said it is standing together with government, civil society
organizations, and all of the people in a united effort to prevent such attacks.
“We are deeply concerned about the news of the planning of attacks by terrorist in big cities in
the country” said the statement of Islamic Organization.
According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, the extremist terrorist group of ARSA has attacked
at least 40 different police posts and checkpoints and one military base across three townships in
northern Rakhine State since August 25.
There were also 60 reported clashes between the terrorist group and government security forces
since then.
The government initially reported that dozens of people were killed in the fighting, including 11
members of the security forces. The reported death toll has since climbed to over 300, including
many alleged terrorists.
Human Rights Watch said Myanmar authorities assert, without substantiating their claims, that
militants and Muslim villagers have burned 6,845 houses across 60 villages in northern Rakhine
State. Refugee accounts contradict the claims of Burmese officials.
According to the Inter Sector Coordination Group (ISCG) at least 294,000 Bengalis, who
identified themselves as Rohingya Muslims, have fled across the border to Bangladesh since
August 25 and UN estimates 270, 000 of them arrived in Bangladesh in just two weeks.
“US$77 million in funding was needed to deliver urgent aid for new arrival of them,” said ISCG
report.
Nearly 30 political parties blame govt for Rakhine woes NAW BETTY HAN 13 SEP 2017
Twenty-nine political parties on Tuesday blamed the deteriorating situation in Rakhine State on
the government’s indecision.
The political parties pinpointed the weakness in the government’s management and
administrative process as one of the key reasons for the upsurge of violence in some parts of
Rakhine.
The opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party and other parties also called for the
immediate convening of the National Security Commission to tackle the Rakhine problem.
“We announced many statements about the Rakhine issues as we can’t accept the statement of
Kofi Annan’s commission which was allowed to participate in resolving the Rakhine issues with
the support of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,” said U Than Oo, the spoken person of 88 Generation
Students Youths Union of Myanmar Party.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The facts in the Kofi Annan commission’s August 24 report on Rakhine wrongly described the
1982 citizenship law and it should not be accepted, he added.
He pointed out that as early as September 2016, they have already suggested to the government
to declare state of emergency in the Rakhine State and to solve the problem using the country’s
anti-terrorism act.
U Than Oo also pointed out that the group also called for the urgent convening of the National
Security Commission but the government did not act on any of their suggestions.
“If the government accept the suggestions our political parties’ statement, the Rakhine conditions
won’t be terrible like today,” he added.
U Kyaw Thu Aung, secretary of the National Political Alliance Party, also faulted the
government for not consulting with other parties in tackling the Rakhine problem.
“Nowadays, government is very good in administrative system but it doesn’t mean very good
handling in every issue effectively. They should take the voice of citizens and their suggestion,”
he said.
Dr Nandar Hla Myint, the spokesperson of USDP, said the outcome of the workshops they held
on the Rakhine issue reflected the sentiments of the people.
“We just protect our nation like our home. The political parties don’t want to play politics in this
issue,” said Dr Nandar Hla Myint.
Rakhine conflict: beyond the blame game
The Myanmar Times NATIONAL NEWS15 SEP 2017
In a conflict zone, it is easy to blame unknown perpetrators. Victims who have suffered have
their own stories to tell. Some narrate them directly from their nightmarish experience. All in all,
for journalists, printed or broadcast, to obtain information describing the real situation in conflict
zones is the most difficult. Eyewitness accounts on the ground are the most important primary
source. Not all journalists can obtain accounts directly from these groups.
However, quite frequently, journalists depend on reliable sources. As in all conflicts, journalists
need quick accounts of incidents that are as comprehensive as possible. Some have time to
confirm and recheck their sources against others to ensure their information is accurate and as
impartial as possible. Obviously, no first draft of history is perfect. But most of the time, when
journalists get information, due to intense competition as well as social media, they tend to let go
of their stories as soon as possible.
That has been the journalist’s dilemma in reporting on Rakhine State over the past couple of
weeks because the developments there have many facets, depending on their sources. After the
attacks on August 25, most of the reports focused on the strong international condemnation of
the terrorist acts, and immediately the government labelled the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army
as a terrorist group. What came next were seemingly endless reports about Myanmar security
forces carrying out counter-terrorism attacks and clean-up operations and people fleeing their
homes and crossing the border.
Several days after security forces retaliated against ARSA, to counter what it described as biased
reporting, Nay Pyi Taw decided to allow two batches of local and foreign journalists to cover the
conflict. But it was a bit too late because the narrative was concentrated on Myanmar’s security
forces and the aftermath. Nobody questioned or focused on ARSA’s motives and intention
anymore.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Those journalists visiting the conflict zone in Muangdaw got first-hand accounts from villagers
and witnessed the reality on the ground. That much was clear. In an ideal situation, more
journalists would have access to the conflict area but only if their safety could be guaranteed. A
worse-case scenario would occur if an ill-intentioned element targeted the journalists.
State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been under severe pressure from her fellow Nobel
laureates and other world leaders, questioning her moral authority, but most Western leaders
understand her dilemma in tackling such a sensitive issue. She wholeheartedly accepted the
August 24 findings of the Kofi Annan Advisory Commission on Rakhine, even though some
among the security forces and opposition parties, particularly the Union Solidarity and
Development Party, did not share her view. She promised to set up a ministerial-level committee
to monitor the progress of implementing those recommendations.
After the attack, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has instructed security forces to follow a strict code of
conduct in carrying out security operations in the area. Most importantly, they must avoid
“collateral damage” and harming innocent civilians in their attempt to restore stability.
However, at this juncture, there are issues that the media have neglected to report such as other
affected ethnic communities, including the Mro, Daingnet and Kaman, and the various
community projects that are operating inside the besieged area. Indonesia, Thailand and other
countries have already provided humanitarian assistance.
At the moment, the government is providing aid to displaced persons without discrimination
within its borders. A lot more aid is needed, especially for those who have fled their homes and
crossed the border. The UN estimates there are at least 400,000 displaced people along the
Bangladeshi border.
It is crucial that the media have access to the conflict zone to assess the situation independently.
Misinformation about the situation could have serious repercussions and cause further delays in
humanitarian assistance. The attack on August 25 would not be the last. Nay Pyi Taw should be
prepared and learn from this experience, which has already affected the country’s reputation and
international standing.
A strong commitment to restore peace THE MYANMAR TIMES 20 SEP 2017
Here are excerpts of key issues the State Counsellor said her government faces in its efforts
toward national reconciliation and peace:
Efforts to restore peace and stability in Rakhine
Even before these outbreaks took place, we had established a Central Committee for rule of law
and development in Rakhine and invited Dr. Kofi Annan to lead a commission that would help
us to resolve the longstanding problems of that state. But in spite of all these efforts, we were
not able to prevent the conflict from taking place. Still, throughout the last year, we have
continued with our program of development and the establishment of peace and harmony.
After several months of seemingly quiet and peace, on 25 August, 30 police outposts, as well as
the Regimental Headquarters in Taungthazar village, were attacked by armed groups.
Consequent to these attacks, the government declared the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and
its supporters responsible for acts of terrorism, as a terrorist group in accordance with the
Counter-Terrorism Law, section 6, subsection 5.
There has been much concern around the world with regard to the situation in Rakhine. It is not
the intention of the Myanmar government to apportion blame or to abnegate responsibility. We
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
condemn all human rights violations and unlawful violence. We are committed to the restoration
of peace, stability and rule of law throughout the state.
The security forces have been instructed to adhere strictly to the code of conduct in carrying out
security operations, to exercise all due restraint, and to take full measures to avoid collateral
damage and the harming of innocent civilians.
Human rights violations and all other acts that impair stability and harmony and undermine the
rule of law will be addressed in accordance with strict norms of justice.
We feel deeply for the suffering of all the people who have been caught up in the conflict. Those
who have had to flee their homes are many – not just Muslims and Rakhines, but also small
minority groups, such as the Daing-net, Mro (Kamee), Thet, Mramagyi and Hindus – of whose
presence most of the world is totally unaware.
Humanitarian assistance was provided to displaced people by a team led by the Minister of
Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement from August 27 onward. Details of humanitarian
assistance programs will be made available to all of our guests in due course.
Advisory Commission’s report on Rakhine State
The final report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, chaired by Kofi Annan, was
made public on August 25, the very day on which the last round of attacks took place. We are
determined to implement the recommendations of the commission. Those recommendations that
will bring speedy improvement to the situation within a short timeframe will be given priority.
Other recommendations we will have to take time over, but every single recommendation that
will benefit peace, harmony and development in Rakhine State will be implemented within the
shortest time possible.
The government is working to restore the situation to normal. Since September 5, there have
been no armed clashes and there have been no clearance operations. Nevertheless, we are
concerned to hear that numbers of Muslims are fleeing across the border to Bangladesh. We want
to find out why this exodus is happening. We would like to talk to those who have fled as well as
those who have stayed. I think it is very little known that the great majority of Muslims in the
Rakhine State have not joined the exodus. More than 50 percent of the villages of Muslims are
intact. They are as they were before the attacks took place. We would like to know why.
This is what I think we have to work toward: not just looking at the problems, but also looking at
the areas where there are no problems. Why have we been able to avoid these problems in certain
areas? For this reason, we would like to invite the members of our diplomatic community to join
us in our endeavour to learn more from the Muslims who have integrated successfully into
Rakhine State. If you are interested in joining us in our endeavours, please let us know. We can
arrange for you to visit these areas, and to ask them for yourselves why they have not fled, why
they have chosen to remain in their villages, even at a time when everything around them seems
to be in a state of turmoil.
Socio-economic development in Rakhine
The Rakhine State Socio-Economic Development Plan 2017-2021 has been drafted to boost
regional development. Hundreds of new jobs and opportunities have been created for local
people through public private partnerships. The viability of a new Special Economic Zone to
bring new jobs and businesses is being assessed. In terms of infrastructure development,
electrification has been expanded with new roads and bridges built, including a new highway
connecting remote areas previously only accessible by boat.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
All people living in Rakhine State have access to education and healthcare services without
discrimination. Healthcare is being provided throughout the state, including hard-to-reach areas,
with new mobile clinics. The government has upgraded 300 schools in Rakhine. Vocational and
technical training programs have begun. Muslim students also have access to higher education
without discrimination.
Humanitarian aid had reached all communities in 95% of the affected areas before the attacks on
August 25. We are now starting another round of humanitarian aid that we hope will take care of
all the people in the region.
Citizenship and repatriation of refugees
With regard to citizenship, a strategy with a specific timeline has been developed to move
forward the national verification process. But this process needs cooperation from all
communities. In some Muslim communities, the leaders have decided that they will not join the
verification process. We would appreciate it if all friends could persuade them to join in the
process because they have nothing to lose by it.
We are also trying to promote inter-communal religious harmony by engaging interfaith groups.
A new curriculum is to be introduced in schools with a focus on moral civic ideas and peace and
stability. A new FM radio channel has been set up to provide information on, among others,
healthcare, the national verification process and education to all communities. It broadcasts in
Rakhine, Bengali and Myanmar languages.
Training and capacity-building for police and security forces is being provided with the
cooperation of the EU and United Nations agencies.
There has been a call for the repatriation of refugees who have fled to Bangladesh. We are
prepared to start the verification process at any time. A verification process was set up as early as
1993 based on the principles to which both countries agreed at the time. We can continue with
the verification of those refugees who wish to return to Myanmar. We will abide by the criteria
that were agreed on. As our national security adviser has assured Bangladesh, and which I can
confirm now, we are ready to start the verification process at any time. Those who have been
verified as refugees from this country will be accepted without any problems and with full
assurance of their security and their access to humanitarian aid.
Action will be taken against all people, regardless of their religion, race, or political position,
who go against the law and violate human rights as accepted by the international community. We
have never been soft on human rights in this country. Our government has emerged as a body
committed to the defence of human rights. Not of any particular community’s rights, but of the
rights of all human beings, within the borders of our country.
State Counsellor condemns all human rights violations in Rakhine
THE MYANMAR TIMES 20 SEP 2017
State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi assured the world on Tuesday that Myanmar is ready
to take the necessary action to address the ongoing crisis in Rakhine State.
State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi condemned human rights violations in the Rakhine
State in her first public speech since the August 25 attacks on security forces in the north-western
region.
“We condemn all human rights violations and unlawful violence. We are committed to the
restoration of peace, stability and rule of law throughout the state,” she said.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Her 25-minute speech, which was delivered in English and televised live, touched on key aspects
of the situation in the region, including tangible actions taken by the government in the past few
months.
She said the recommendations made by Dr Kofi Annan’s Advisory Commission on Rakhine
State will be given priority and be implemented in full.
The diplomatic briefing came at the time when international pressure has been piling up on her
National League for Democracy government. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi decided to skip a
scheduled visit to New York to attend the United Nations General Assembly, sending her vice
president, Henry Van Tieo, instead.
She said security forces have been instructed to adhere strictly to a code of conduct in carrying
out security operations, would “exercise all due restraint, and take full measures to avoid
collateral damage and the harming of innocent civilians.”
Human rights violations would be punished under strict standards of justice, she told the
Yangon-based diplomatic community.
She revealed that since September 5, there have been no armed clashes and no “clearance
operations.” She was concerned by reports of the numbers of Muslims fleeing across the border
to Bangladesh. “We want to find out why this exodus is happening. We would like to talk to
those who have fled as well as those who have stayed,” she said, adding, “More than 50 percent
of Muslim villages are intact.”
Regarding the socio-economic development of Rakhine State, she said all people living there
have access to higher education, technical training and healthcare provided by new mobile
clinics. Humanitarian aid had reached all communities in 95pc of the affected areas before the
August 25 attacks.
On the repatriation of refugees who have fled to Bangladesh, she reaffirmed that Myanmar is
ready to accept them back under a joint-verification process set up by the 1993 agreement with
Bangladesh. “Those who have been verified as refugees from this country will be accepted back
without any problems and with full assurance of their security and access to humanitarian aid.”
Knowing that the world’s attention is focused on her and her government, she said Myanmar
does not fear international scrutiny.
Toward the end of her speech, she said if diplomats at the briefing are interested “in joining us in
our endeavours, please let us know.”
She said the government can arrange trips to the conflict zone so that visitors have the
opportunity to talk to villagers who have stayed in their area.
Diplomats gave her speech a thumbs-up, saying that she focused on issues and concerns that the
international community should be aware of.
“She addressed a mini-UN General Assembly in Nay Pyi Taw in the presence of the
diplomats.
“SC (State Counsellor) clarified her position on the issue of human rights, relief assistance to
IDPs and vulnerable people in Rakhine, and her government’s commitment to implement the
recommendations of Kofi Annan’s Advisory Commision.
“The ‘blame game’ does not help anybody in resolving problems. Rather it will weaken or even
derail on-going process and progress made by the less than 18-month old civilian government in
Myanmar,” said Nepalese Ambassador Bhim Udas.
Chinese Ambassador Hong Liang said, “It is very good for the whole world to have more
understanding of Myanmar’s position. The world really welcomes that.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Indian Ambassador Vikram Misri said her speech was encouraging and contained a very
positive message. “The international community is ready to help the government of Myanmar in
addressing these challenges.”
Russian Ambassador Nikolay A. Listopadov said her speech was good and constructive. “We
strongly condemn violence and support the Myanmar government’s efforts to solve this problem.
I think that having security, peace and stability for those living in Rakhine State is important.”
Contacted by The Myanmar Times, the US Embassy said the US welcomes indications that
Myanmar is committed to providing access to humanitarian aid via the International Commission
of the Red Cross. “We look forward to learning further details.”
Thousands rally to show support for government on Rakhine NAW BETTY HAN 20 SEP 2017
Thousands of people on Tuesday gathered in front of the City Hall in downtown Yangon to show
their support for State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as she addressed for the first time
issues related to the violence in the Northern Rakhine State.
A huge crowd of people, some wearing yellow t-shirts printed with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s
photograph and motto – “We Stand With You.” – stood before a giant LED television screen
which broadcast live her speech from Nay Pyi Taw.
Some supporters were carrying red balloons and vinyl photos of the Myanmar leader while
others were dancing and singing nationalist songs.
Some people were chanting, “We love you, Mother Su”.
One group was wearing traditional Karen dresses and other Myanmar traditional clothes, while
others were carrying ballons as if they were going to attend a celebration.
The people could barely control their anticipation of the State Counsellor’s speech, hoping to
hear from their leader after weeks of being pilloried in the international media for allegedly
failing to address the plight of the Muslim minority in the Rakhine region.
The United Nations estimated that nearly half a million refugees from the restive Rakhine
province have fled to nearby Bangladesh to escape the alleged wrath of the Myanmar security
forces.
Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein and other parliament members led the crowd in front
of the City Hall.
The regular session of the regional parliament, which usually starts at 10am, was pushed back to
1pm so people can listen to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s speech in, perhaps, the most controversial
issue facing Myanmar today.
When the State Counsellor appearedon the giant screen and people broke into cheers and chants,
calling her name, “Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.” The red balloons were sent flying to the sky. Then
everybody fell silent as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi began her speech.
The State Counsellor’s address was broadcasted live at 10am. Another large group of supporters
were waiting at the center of Yangon to show their support for Daw Aung San Su Kyi who
delivered her speech in English.
“I don’t understand her speech as well but I trust and support her,” said U Kyaw Nyunt, 60 years
old, from Kamayutt Township.
He said that he was waiting for her speech in the park in front of the City Hall for about two
hours.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
“I just came and to show my involvement as a Myanmar citizen on Rakhine issues. She stands
for Myanmar and we stand with her’,’ he added.
“The State Counsellor’s address is a kind of State level speech. It was in English as she would
like to describe the realistic conditions in Rakhine State to the international community. I won’t
understand her speech as well and I don’t understand English. But It’s okay as the international
audience just need to understand the issues and we just need to trust and support her,” said U
Aye Myint, 60, the founder of a charity school in North Okkala Township, named “Love house”.
People from all walks of lives gathered and listened to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s speech; people
of different ages and religions, as well as monks and foreigners. Most people gathered in front of
the city hall to show their support for the leader.
“The objective of my coming here is to show to the people that the monks also support Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi,” said U Ti Law Ka, the monks form Chauk Htet Gyi Monetary, Bahan
Township.
“People think that all of the monks didn’t stand with her. My coming proved their thoughts were
wrong,” he added while holding in his hands a photo of the State Counsellor.
“I came here to stand with Mother Su by doing what I can do. I trust and I support her all the
way” said Ko Htut Htut, a 37-year-old biker from Thuwunna Township. He was among a large
group of bikers who watched Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s speech.
But an American tourist who was among the big crowd in the City Hall found the whole thing
amusing.
“The Myanmar people supported the lady (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi) but they didn’t even
understand the speech. It looks a bit weird,” said Andrew David, 50, an American tourist. “They
have blind trust in her. I’m not sure they can separate personal respect and political issues. But
they looked very impressed.”
When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s concluded her speech after 25 minutes, all of the people shouted
the State Counsellor’s name again and sang nationalist songs.
Some groups of people were giving free bottled water to the public while the speech was being
delivered.
People continued to mill around the City Hall long after the speech was finished. Some of those
who understand English tried to explain to the other what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi told her
international audience.
“I hope the international community would finally be able to understand the true situation in
Rakhine,” U Htin Lin Aung, 40 years old. He is wearing red T-shirt with the state counselor’s
photo. He looks very satisfied after hearing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s explanation.
While it is uncertain whether her speech could tame the international criticisms against the
Myanmar governent’s handling of the Rakhine issue, there is one thing that cannot be disputed:
The Myanmar people are behind Daw Aung San Suu Kyi all the way.
Three bomb explosions damage vehicles, cause panic in Minbya YEE YWAL MYINT 21 SEP 2017
Three bombs exploded along the roads between Sat Kyar and Than Shin villages in Minbya
township in Rakhine State, damaging two vehicles and triggering panic among the local
residents, a state parliamentarian said Wednesday.
The explosions occurred late Tuesday on the route connecting Minbya and Maruk-U, two top
tourist attractions in Rakhine with their ancient temples, pagodas and villages of cultural and
historical significance, said U Tun Thar Sein, No (1) state parliamentarian of Mrauk-U.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
A passenger bus and a cargo truck were damaged in the explosions but no casualties were
reported, said U Tun Thar Sein.
Local residents’ fear and panic are well-founded since the area is not part of Rakhine which have
been wracked by violence since August 25, when terrorists launched simultaneous attacks
against government security outposts in Northern Rakhine area, according to U Tun Thar Sein.
“This incident is well-planned. The intention is clear to disrupt the security as three explosives
were detonated,” he said.
The area has been temporarily closed to traffic when police investigators and Tatmadaw
inspected the remnant of the explosives, the legislator said.
The route is often used for transporting commodities from Yangon to Sittwe, disruption of the
road’s safety will have an economic impact, said a local resident.
“We are afraid that conflicts might start again,” said U Maung Than, a resident from Mrauk-U.
The explosions occurred a day after State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi delivered a speech
to the international community about the situation in the northern Rakhine.
She said her government was not afraid of international scrutiny on the Rakhine issue,
emphasising that her government condemns human rights violations and violence in the area.
Vice president U Henry Van Thio is currently attending the United Nations General Assembly in
New York on behalf of the State Counsellor and Foreign Minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Rakhine crisis taking toll on tourism EI EI THU 21 SEP 2017
Tourism operators have suffered a backlash from the Rakhine crisis, as several tour companies
and hotels recently received cancellations of reservations.
“Booking cancellations have increased, especially for Ngapali and Mrauk-U itineraries. Tourists
don’t realise that (these destinations) are very far from current crisis areas, even though it is in
the same state. Bagan and Mandalay are also located far from the conflict zone. Authorities in
charge should communicate where it is safe to travel,” U Thet Lwin Toh, chairman of the
Union of Myanmar Travel Association told The Myanmar Times.
According to hotel operators in Yangon, Ngapali beach and Bagan currently receive fewer
bookings, which mark a slight decline in comparison to the same period last year.
“Room bookings in Bagan had increased by 10 percent before the crisis. But in the last 10 days,
there have been several cancelations. Bookings in Ngapali beach has obviously decreased. The
new booking rate is stable, but we have to wait to see what happens,” said U Khin Aung Htun, a
hotel manager.
“At the moment, the booking rate just slightly declined. Tourism in Myanmar reduces poverty
and improves incomes at grass-root level,” said Daw May Myat Mon Win, chair of Myanmar
Tourism Marketing Committee and general manager of Chatrium Hotel.
The Ministry of Hotel and Tourism released travel advices on August 28 with regards to the
Rakhine crisis. According to the latter, Ngapali and Mrauk-U ancient city are still marked as
safe. As Myanmar continues to be an attractive destination, the ministry’s website urges visitors
to stay within the permitted areas.
“It was a good initiative from the tourism ministry. But recently, the State Counselor’s Office
warned that metropolis - such as Nay Pyi Taw, Yangon, Mandalay and Mawlamyaing – might be
targeted by terrorist attacks. Visitors feel that there is an ambiguity between the two statements,”
explained U Thet Lwin Toh.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
“If possible, they should invite international media to interview tourists safely touring the
area. That would be good for the industry,” he added.
Tourists from Japan, Spain and the United State are particularly sensitive about security and
safety issues, he said.
“Tour operators targeting Thai, Chinese and other Asian tourists are not much impacted by the
Rakhine crisis. But travelers wanting to visit Mrauk-U and Ngapali beach might be a little
worried. If the tourism ministry would make a press release again that would be of great help,”
he suggested.
There are not any plans to release another statement concerning the Rakhine issue again by
ministry of hotel and tourism at the movement, said U Myint Htwe, deputy director general of
the tourism ministry.
“The first statement is enough for the current situation. It includes all we wanted to say to
tourists. Thus, we will not release another statement,” he said.
According to the tourism ministry, Myanmar already welcomed more than 2 million
international visitors from January to the end of July, prior to the Rakhine crisis. It marks a 22
percent increase compared with the same period in 2016. The ministry expects to accommodate
3.5 million tourists by the end of the year.
Senior officials visit Rakhine; priority list coming in 2 weeks NYAN LYNN AUNG 21 SEP 2017
Authorities have conducted a survey of the restive Rakhine State to determine the projects and
programme to be implemented immediately in line with the recommendations of Kofi Annan’s
Advisory Commission and Maungdaw Investigation Commission in the state.
Dr Win Myat Aye, Chairman of the Committee on Implementing Recommendations on
Rakhine State, told The Myanmar Times on Wednesday that some permanent secretary level of
the committee visited Rakhine from September 18 to 20 to find out the current situation on the
ground in order to prioritise the projects that need immediate implementation.
“We need to determine the priority recommendations that could implement immediately as well
as to check the other recommendations whether it is a priority under the present condition,” said
Dr Win Myat Aye, who is also the Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister.
According to the Global New Light of Myanmar on September 19, during the survey trip the
committee members met displaced people from Maungdaw conflict areas and discussed
resettlement and future plans for IDPs.
“Security and rule of law should be considered while the committee implementing the
recommendations,” said U Nyi Pu, chief minister of Rakhine State and co-chair of the
Committee.
Dr Win Myat Aye said the initial projects that would be implemented in Rakhine will be out
within two weeks.
In addition, the implementation schedule for priority recommendations will be presented only
after the committee examines closely whether the projects respond to the actual need on the
ground.
“We will implement the practical matter which matches with on ground conditions as a priority
and the program needed to be benefit for people,” Dr Win Myat Aye said.
He added, the committee has to implement the projects immediately. The short term and long
term steps as well as the implementation should not be delayed.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
On August 24, the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State presented to the Myanmar
government 88 recommendations on ways to improve the situation in Rakhine.
The 63-page final report urged changes in the process of national verification set forth by the
1982 citizenship law to correct policies that discriminate against the Muslim minority in the area,
warning that failure to do so could lead to more violence and radicalisation.
Vice President U Myint Swe’s Maungdaw Investigation Commission, which released its final
report on August 6, made 48 recommendations to the government, including that the government
form a high-level committee to implement the recommendations.
The report included recommendations on governance and administration, news media, UN
agencies and INGOs, citizenship verification, religious affairs, socio-economic matters, national
security and boarder security, and cooperation with international security organisations.
Marzuki Darusman, chair of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on
Myanmar of the Human Rights Council released a statement on September 19, welcoming the
Advisory Commission’s report and calls for the early implementation of its recommendations.
He also stressed the urgency of implementing the recommendations following the escalation of
violence in the after the August 25 attacks on government security forces’ outposts.
“We need to address the institutional and structural issues which undermine the prospects for
peace, justice and development in Rakhine, and to propose concrete steps that may contribute to
improving the well-being of all communities in the state” he said in a statement.
During a diplomatic briefing on September 19 in Nay Pyi Taw, State Counsellor Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi said the government determined to implement the recommendations of the commission,
especially those that will bring speedy improvements to the situation within a short frame of time
will be given priority.
“Every single recommendation that will benefit peace and harmony and development in the
Rakhine State will be implemented within the shortest time possible. The government is working
to restore the situation to normalcy,” Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said.
U Tun Aung Kyaw, secretary of the Arakan National Party, said the party has already objected to
Kofi Annan’s commission and its recommendations, so they will monitor the implementation of
projects.
“We will object extremely to committee when the implementation will not be for the benefit of
the Rakhine community” he said.
The situation on northern Rakhine state including IDPs from Sittwe is very bad. Only the
government can stop it and the civilians must be protected and government urgently needs to end
the brutality, according to a Muslim resident in northern Rakhine.
“This is very sensitive and scary time,” he said. “It is difficult to say something about the
implementation committee because it is the government decision. I don’t want to give comment
about it now,” he said.
Rakhine situation: fact versus fiction THE MYANMAR TIMES 22 SEP 2017
State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi ended her silence following the August 25 attacks by
briefing diplomats in Myanmar on Tuesday on the situation in Rakhine State. Her speech was
televised live and audiences around the world could watch it in real-time on the internet. In her
25-minute speech, she managed to touch on pivotal issues in the north-western region that made
global headlines. In the aftermath of the attacks, numerous reports have been written, both real
and fake, from around the world. Now, the State Counsellor has given us the official version of
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
what transpired in the troubled region, and the international community has had the opportunity
to evaluate her explanations.
The first important question she raised was about the human rights abuses that were widely
reported. She said succinctly that her government condemns all human rights violations and
unlawful violence, and that whoever perpetrated these horrendous acts will be punished
according to law.
She said that the military offensive ended on September 5 but the exodus of refugees continues
unabated. While more than 50 percent of the local communities in Rakhine State remain intact,
others chose to leave, she said, adding that she wants to know the reasons for the exodus of
people to Bangladesh. She also wants to know the dynamic between those who stayed and those
who decided to leave. In this connection, it is hoped that there will be a thorough investigation
by concerned authorities into the phenomenon.
As one of the world’s most famous human rights icons, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said that
security forces have been instructed to adhere strictly to a code of conduct and exercise all due
restraint in carrying out security operations. Furthermore, she said, full measures must be taken
to avoid ‘collateral damage’ and harming of civilians. That much was clear.
She also pledged to implement the August 24 recommendations of the Advisory Commission on
Rakhine State led by former UN chief Kofi Annan. Priority will be given to those that can bring
speedy improvement of the situation, she said, adding that other recommendations will take more
time due to the complexities of the issues involved.
On the citizenship and repatriation of refugees, the State Counsellor was forthcoming, saying
that the national verification process would have a timeframe and urging all Muslim
communities in Rakhine State to participate. All refugees who have been through the joint-
verification process would be able to return without any problem, she said.
Her speech also outlined what the government has done in social and economic development in
the state. There are more schools and more health-care facilities that would improve the living
standards and well-being of the people there.
Having been in power only 18 months, she asked for time to solve this long-running conflict.
Now that she has given her version of the events in Rakhine State, the international communities
can scrutinize what she has said and pledged. Now she has put her creditability and
trustworthiness where all can see.
Leaders who know her welcomed her commitment to allow humanitarian aid into the troubled
areas. International nongovernmental organisations had mixed reactions to her pledges,
especially on the repatriation of the hundreds of thousands of refugees.
The weeks and months ahead will be a litmus test in terms of domestic political development and
the level of international support for her government. Besides inviting diplomats to visit the
trouble areas, she must fulfil her pledges without delay, especially without upsetting or raising
eyebrows among the country’s security apparatus, which is still concerned about the possibility
of future attacks.
Outsiders need a better understanding of the environment in which Myanmar’s fragile
democracy is struggling to survived.
World is watching progress on Rakhine
The international community will closely monitor the implementation of State Counsellor Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi’s commitments to improve condition of the people in Rakhine, who have
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
been caught in renewed flare-up of violence over the past few weeks, a European Union (EU)
official said.
“The situation in northern Rakhine State and across the border in Bangladesh remains extremely
serious and has both our full attention and action,” the EU official told The Myanmar Times.
The official said the first major point the government needs to address is to ensure “the cessation
of all violence” in the troubled areas.
He said the commitments made by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in her speech on Tuesday to respect
human rights and to restore peace and the rule of law, are important in this regard.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s instructions to the security forces to adhere to the Code of Conduct
and to exercise all due restraint are also very important in restoring order, the EU official said.
He said EU would look closely into how the Myanmar government would ensure “full
humanitarian access to all humanitarian aid workers” to deliver assistance to the people affected
by the conflict.
“The European Union continues to insist on this essential point,” the EU official added.
EU asked the government to fully implement the recommendations in the final report of the
Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, which was chaired by Kofi Annan, the official said.
“We are ready to support the implementation of these recommendations in all possible ways,” he
said.
In her speech on Tuesday, which was the first time she directly addressed the ongoing violence
in Rakhine, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi emphasised that her government does not condone human
rights violations and pledged to take action against all those who violate other people’s rights.
She also vowed to set in motion the system of repatriation of refugees who have fled to
Bangladesh and to deliver humanitarian assistance to people affected by the violence.
A number of diplomats expressed willingness to support Myanmar in addressing the challenges
to ensure humanitarian assistance reach the intended beneficiaries.
The United States welcomed the State Counsellor’s decision to speak publicly about the ongoing
violence and the resulting humanitarian crisis that has caused deep alarm around the world.
“We appreciate her commitment to restoring rule of law throughout Rakhine State and her
pledge to ensure justice for human rights violations,” Aryani Manring, US Embassy
spokesperson in Yangon said.
On September 19, Ambassador Scott Marciel and visiting Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
South East Asia Patrick Murphy attended the State Counsellor’s address to the diplomats in Nay
Pyi Taw.
The smbassador and Murphy met separately with the State Counsellor, Armed Forces Chief of
Staff Lt Gen Myat Tun Oo and other senior officials, the embassy said in a statement.
In the meetings, the ambassador urged the government and military to immediately facilitate
expanded humanitarian access to affected areas of Rakhine and commit to allowing refugees to
return to their homes, it added.
“He (ambassador) also raised allegations of human rights abuses and violations and called upon
the Myanmar security forces to end all violence and protect all communities,” Aryani Manring
said.
The ambassador and Murphy travelled to Sittwe on September 20 to meet with Rakhine State
government officials, civil society organisations, and members of ethnic minority groups to
discuss the situation in the state.
Murphy was to discuss his five-day trip in the country on Friday with journalists from all over
the world in Bangkok.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The two US officials urge the local leaders for full humanitarian access, an end to violence, and
the need to protect human rights of all communities to promote a more secure and prosperous
future.
“We note her reaffirmation that her government will carry out the final recommendations of the
Rakhine Advisory Commission as quickly as possible,” Aryani Manring said.
US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson on Tuesday urged the government and the military to
facilitate humanitarian aid for displaced people in the affected areas and to address “deeply
troubling allegations of human rights abuses and violation.”
But some governments were apparently not satisfied with the response of the State Counsellor on
the raging Rakhine issue.
Despite the explanations of the National League for Democracy-led Myanmar government about
its stand on Rakhine, Britain decided to stop the military training program for Myanmar armed
forces based on the request of some members of the British parliament.
British newspaper The Telegraph said Britain spent 305,000 pounds (K566.20 million) last year
for the education program for the Burmese military on English, democracy and leadership. The
program did not include combat training.
The Tatmadaw in a statement on Wednesday said it ordered the immediate return five of its
officers who are in Britain under the program to promote relations and cooperation between the
armed forces of the two countries.
“The Tatmadaw will bring them back to Myanmar as quickly as possible,” it said. “No trainees,
including those who have been approved to be sent to Britain under previous agreements, will be
sent to Britain anymore.”
Local political analysts expressed hope Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s speech could tame the
international criticisms against the government’s handling the issue of Rakhine Sstate.
But the analysts were concerned how Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could overcome challenges in
addressing her commitments.
U Maung Maung Soe expressed his concern over the challenges to tackle related to the issue of
repatriation of refugees based on the 1993 agreement signed between Bangladesh and Myanmar.
He noted that four points were included in that agreement: those who have evidence that they
lived in Myanmar, those who have evidence they were born in Myanmar, those who can ensure
they have not been involved in any terrorist attacks against the country, and those who want to
return voluntarily to Myanmar.
“Government must have a good plan to carry out the agreement,” U Maung Maung Soe said.
According to the UN, over 400, 000 Bengalis fled to Bangladesh since the new violence in the
northern Rakhine erupted on August 25, following simultaneous attacks launched by the terrorist
group Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army on security forces.
The EU official said Myanmar’s leadership needs to show that the democracy they fought so
hard for can work for all the people of Myanmar, beyond ethnic, social and religious boundaries.
“During Myanmar’s fight for democracy, the international community and Europe never left the
people of Myanmar alone and we will not leave them alone now,” he said.
Translated By Ei Ei Toe Lwin
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Repatriation of refugees to Rakhine in the pipeline NYAN LYNN AUNG 25 SEP 2017
The government will carry out as fast as possible the repatriation of Muslim refugees who fled to
Bangladesh in the aftermath of renewed violence in the Northern Rakhine based on the on the
1993 Myanmar-Bangladesh agreement, a senior official said Sunday.
Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister (Menteri) Dr Win Myat Aye, who is the
chair of the Implementing Committee for the Recommendations on Rakhine, said it has
prioritised the repatriation of the refugees now stranded in Bangladesh even though the plan was
not part of the committee’s initial plan.
“We included the repatriation plan in our priority schedules after surveying ground situation
recently,” he told The Myanmar Times.
He added that the repatriation has been implemented based on the 1993 agreement between the
governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh and the committee has to repatriate people who
wanted to go back to Myanmar.
“We need a mechanism for repatriation as well as the experienced experts on this issue including
officials from related ministry such as Ministry of Foreign Affairs,” said Dr Win Myat Aye.
According to the 1993 Joint Statement between Myanmar and Bangladesh, Myanmar agreed to
take measures to halt the outflow of refugees to Bangladesh, and to accept, after scrutiny, all
‘those carrying Myanmar identity cards’, ‘those able to present other documents issued by
relevant Myanmar authorities’ and ‘all those able to furnish evidence of their residence in
Myanmar’ and ‘all those willing to return to Myanmar’.
The President’s Office on September 13 set up a 15-member Implementation Committee for the
recommendations on Rakhine, led by Minister Dr Win Myat Aye, to take action on the
recommendations presented in the final reports of the Kofi Annan-led Advisory Commission on
Rakhine State and the Maungdaw Investigation Commission.
In addition, the authorities from the committee have conducted a survey of the restive Rakhine
from September 18 to 20 to determine the projects and program to be implemented immediately
in line with the recommendations of both the commissions in the state.
Dr Win Myat Aye said a detailed plan of priority of the scheme will be released after the third
meeting of the committee on Wednesday, and the committee members have been discussing
projects that need immediate implementation.
“The scheme on how to implement these projects will come out soon and those involved
authorities are discussing these now,” he said.
According to the government information committee, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
met with the Implementing Committee members on Saturday, and stressed the designation of
places to receive the refugees, as well as to establish working group to conduct systematic
verification process for urgent repatriation based on mutual agreement between Myanmar and
Bangladesh in 1993.
The State Counsellor also told the committee “To seek advice of UN-HABITAT so as to include
sustainable development aspects in the resettlement program for the affected community.”
She added the rehabilitation and resettlement program should not only be for the Muslims but for
Rakhines, and other minorities, including Hindus, who fled their homes due to the August 25
attacks launched by the Arakan Rohingya Salavation Army (ARSA) terrorists on government
security forces.
According to the UNHRC, more than 430,000 Muslims have fled to Bangladesh since the
fighting began between the ARSA terrorist group and government security forces.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The New York based Human Rights Watch said on Saturday that Myanmar security forces
have carried out a campaign of ethnic cleansing involving mass arson, killing, and other abuses
against the Muslim population, causing the flight of more than 420,000 people to neighbouring
Bangladesh in the aftermath of the August 25 clashes.
During the UN General Assembly, Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has called on
Myanmar to take back the some 420,000 Rohingya Muslims who have fled from violence in the
country and she said Bangladesh was making diplomatic efforts to persuade Myanmar to take
back the refugees.
“We have told Myanmar, they are your citizens, you must take them back, keep them safe...,”
Hasina told a meeting late Tuesday in New York.
Protesters in Mandalay slam terrorists, foreign intervention KYAW KO KO 27 SEP 2017
Residents in Mandalay Region on Tuesday took to the streets to condemn the attacks perpetrated
by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a terrorist group in Rakhine State, and also
to protest against foreign interference.
About 2000 people, including 700 monks, gathered at Mandalay’s Manawyaman field and urged
the government to follow the 1982 Citizenship Law that recognises three types of citizens in the
country – full-fledged, associate and naturalised citizens.
Full citizens are descendants of residents who lived in Burma prior to 1823 or were born to
parents who were citizens at the time of birth, while associate citizens are those who acquired
citizenship through the 1948 Union Citizenship Law.
Naturalised citizens are those who lived in Burma before January 4, 1948, and applied for
citizenship after 1982.
The law does not recognise the “Rohingyas” – who reside in Rakhine – as one of the 135 legally
recognised ethnic groups in the country, denying most of them Myanmar citizenship. Some
protesters were holding posters that read: “Those who are attempting to encroach on Rakhine
State are our enemies;” “Protect Rakhine State;” “We support police force members who are
protecting Rakhine State from terrorist attacks.”
“What happened recently in Rakhine is unusual. These attacks are attempt to encroach on the
country’s sovereignty,” said U Aye Paing. “It is necessary to fence off the Myanmar-Bangladesh
border at present. Those who carried out terrorist attacks are not our religion and their culture is
also different from us. Our country is poor so the rich countries can take them.”
The protesters said they reject the recommendations of the Kofi Annan-led Advisory
Commission on Rakhine State, especially its call to amend the 1982 Citizenship Law. They said
Annan does not know Myanmar culture and customs.
The demonstration, which lasted about three hours, was attended by nationalist monk U Wirathu,
who criticised the media coverage of the Rakhine trouble as well as the government for failing to
firmly handle the issue.
U Myo Chit, another protest leader, said their rally was aimed to pressure the government and
the Tatmadaw to act decisively on the issue and inform the international community about the
sentiments of the ordinary Myanmar citizens about the problem.
“This concerns all of our nationality so that we all have to unite and solve these problems
without in favour to any political party,” he said. “There are some restrictions on today’s protest
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
so I would like to say there is something wrong because our demonstration is facing such
restrictions under the so-called democratic government.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Sample THE NEW YORK TIMES
More Than 70 Killed in Fighting in Western Myanmar
By AUSTIN RAMZYAUG. 25, 2017
HONG KONG — More than 70 people were killed on Friday in clashes between militants and
security forces in Rakhine State in western Myanmar, which outside observers called a worrying
upsurge of violence in the troubled region.
The dead included at least 12 members of the security forces and at least 59 Rohingya
insurgents, according to a statement from the office of Myanmar’s de facto leader, Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi. Myanmar’s armed forces said the militants used knives, small arms and explosives
in coordinated early-morning attacks on several police and military posts around Buthidaung and
Maungdaw, near Myanmar’s border with Bangladesh.
Rakhine is home to about one million Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim minority group that
faces repression in Myanmar, where they are largely confined to camps and denied full
citizenship rights.
Last October, a group of Rohingya militants killed nine police officers, escalating the level of
violence in a long-running conflict. Rohingya and international human rights groups say security
forces responded to those attacks by locking down the area and carrying out a far-reaching
crackdown, killing hundreds of people and forcing tens of thousands to flee.
This week, the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, which was formed last year by Ms.
Aung San Suu Kyi, and headed by Kofi Annan, a former secretary general of the United Nations,
submitted its final report. It called for urgent action to improve the citizenship status, freedom of
movement and human rights of Muslims in Rakhine. Failure to act would risk further “violence
and radicalization,” Mr. Annan wrote in an introduction to the report.
On Friday, Mr. Annan issued a statement saying, “I am gravely concerned by, and strongly
condemn, the recent attacks in Rakhine State.”
“The alleged scale and gravity of these attacks mark a worrying escalation of violence,” he
added. He also called on security forces to ensure that innocent civilians were not harmed.
A militant group called the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army claimed responsibility for the
attacks, which it said were in response to recent raids by security forces. The group, formerly
known as Harakah al-Yaqin, is believed to have hundreds of fighters and to be led by Rohingya
based in Saudi Arabia, according to an International Crisis Group report.
A United Nations report in February said the military crackdown on the Rohingya had led to
gang rapes, the killing of hundreds of civilians and the forced displacement of as many as 90,000
people, acts that it said were most likely crimes against humanity.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The military and Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi have generally denied allegations of ethnic cleansing or
a campaign of targeted violence against the Rohingya.
As Myanmar Fighting Swells, a Desperate Flight to the Border
By ERIC NAGOURNEY AUG. 27, 2017
Intensifying clashes between security forces and insurgents in western Myanmar sent terrified
civilians scrambling toward the Bangladesh border on Sunday in a desperate search for refuge.
The civilians are Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim minority group that faces repression in
Myanmar. About a million Rohingya live in western Myanmar’s Rakhine State, and conflicts
between insurgents and security forces there have become increasingly deadly.
On Sunday, a statement from the country’s de facto leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, said the
death toll from violence that began Thursday night had reached 96, The Associated Press
reported. The dead included both Rohingya insurgents and government forces.
But civilians may be at the greatest risk. A United Nations report in February said the military
crackdown on the Rohingya had led to gang rape, the killing of hundreds of civilians and the
forced displacement of as many as 90,000 people.
On Sunday, some managed to make it into Bangladesh.
But the journey was arduous — and many Rohingya did not make it, turned back at the border
by Bangladeshi soldiers.
Witnesses and refugees on the Bangladesh border quoted by The A.P. described a tense situation.
Thousands of Rohingya had sought unsuccessfully to flee from the Myanmar side. Witnesses
reported the sound of gunshots, and Bangladeshi villagers said they could see military
helicopters hovering in the Myanmar sky.
This woman was among those denied passage.
Still, an estimated 2,000 Rohingya were believed to have made it across the border overnight.
Several hundred others, however, were stuck in a “no man’s land” at one part of the border. They
could do little but await an opportunity to move forward — or for things back home to calm
down enough for them to return.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
More than 8,700 Rohingya Flee Myanmar Fighting This Week
By NICK CUMMING-BRUCE AUG. 29, 2017
GENEVA — As fighting in western Myanmar sent thousands of refugees fleeing to Bangladesh,
the United Nations top human rights official on Tuesday urged Myanmar’s military to show
restraint and accused the office of the country’s de facto leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, of
issuing “irresponsible” statements that could endanger international aid organizations.
United Nations officials said more than 8,700 Rohingya, members of Myanmar’s Muslim
minority, have fled across the border to Bangladesh from Rakhine state since Saturday,
following clashes last week between security forces and a militant group identified as the Arakan
Rohingya Salvation Army. The fighting was reported to have killed more than 100 people.
In comments posted on Facebook on Sunday, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s office said the authorities
were investigating reports that staff members of international organizations “had participated” in
operations carried out by “extremist terrorists.” It said biscuits supplied by the United Nations
food agency had been found at a rebel camp site.
Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, said on
Tuesday that he utterly condemned the violence and that those responsible should be brought to
justice. But he also rebuked Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s office for its statements, which he said
were “irresponsible and only serve to increase fears and the potential for further violence.”
“I am extremely concerned that the unsupported allegations against international aid
organizations place their staff in danger and may make it impossible for them to deliver essential
aid,” Mr. al-Hussein said in a statement issued by his office in Geneva.
The comments, which appeared to have been removed from Facebook on Tuesday, pointed to the
deterioration in relations between the government and the United Nations since October, when
insurgents attacked police border posts in Rakhine.
Mr. al-Hussein lamented the latest upsurge in violence but said, “It was predicted and could have
been prevented.” He said “decades of persistent and systematic human rights violations,
including the very violent security responses to the attacks since October 2016, have almost
certainly contributed to the nurturing of violent extremism.”
In the security crackdown after those attacks, around 80,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh,
bringing accounts of summary executions, mass rape and villagers burned alive in their homes.
United Nations investigators who looked into those accounts said Myanmar’s army and police
might have committed crimes against humanity.
Mr. al-Hussein said that Myanmar’s authorities should “issue clear instructions to security forces
to refrain from using disproportionate force” and that those who use excessive force should be
held accountable.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The latest attacks in Rakhine have raised alarm among aid and human rights groups that
Myanmar may be on the brink of returning to similar violence. On Tuesday, the United Nations
said it had suspended aid operations in the state and had relocated noncritical international and
national staff members from Maungdaw, the state capital, because of safety concerns.
Most refugees who crossed the border in recent days were women and children, and there were
reports that some were wounded, the United Nations refugee agency told reporters in Geneva. It
voiced concern that the number of people needing help would rise in coming days. Thousands
more Rohingya were stranded on the Myanmar side of the border, with Bangladeshi guards
pushing back many of those trying to get across. The refugee agency called on Bangladesh to
open its border and allow those fleeing violence to find safety.
Human Rights Watch said Tuesday that Myanmar’s army had built up its forces in northern
Rakhine since last week’s attacks. The group said that new satellite images pointed to
widespread burning in at least 10 areas of northern Rakhine, covering a larger amount of territory
than did the October violence.
The cause of the fires could not be identified but some occurred in locations that corresponded
with areas where witnesses reported deliberate burning of houses by the military, Human Rights
Watch said. It called for international pressure on the government to reveal what is taking place
there.
The United Nations has set up a three-person fact-finding mission led by a veteran Indonesian
investigator, Marzuki Darusman, to look into allegations of human rights violations by military
and security forces in Myanmar, particularly in Rakhine. The Myanmar government, however,
has said it will not cooperate or allow them to visit.
Violence in Myanmar Pushes at Least 18,500 Rohingya Into Bangladesh
By MEGAN SPECIA AUG. 30, 2017
The number of Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim ethnic group, who have fled
from Myanmar to Bangladesh since border clashes erupted five days ago has reached at least
18,500, the United Nations’ International Office of Migration said on Wednesday.
Thousands more are unable to cross the border, according to the migration office, or have found
temporary shelter in Sittwe, the capital of the restive state of Rakhine in western Myanmar.
Most of those making the journey are women, children and elderly people.
The deadly fighting — between Myanmar’s security forces and a militant group known as the
Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army — began when militants attacked army and police outposts
near the border on Friday, prompting a swift crackdown by Myanmar’s government.
International human rights groups called the crackdown far-reaching and fear possible abuses
against the Rohingya minority, who have long faced repression in Myanmar.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Those who crossed into Bangladesh this week have limited access to relief aid at makeshift
camps. The country already hosts about 400,000 Rohingya who have fled Myanmar in recent
years. The border between the two countries is officially closed.
In a statement released on Wednesday, William Swing, the migration office’s director general,
urged international aid for those seeking refuge in Bangladesh, and called for the violence in
Rakhine to end.
His remarks echoed calls earlier this week from Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights, who condemned the violence in western Myanmar and said
the government should “issue clear instructions to security forces to refrain from using
disproportionate force.”
At the United Nations on Wednesday, Ambassador Matthew Rycroft of Britain called a Security
Council meeting about Myanmar because of the violence.
“There is a threat to international peace and security, and it is right that the Security Council
should take time today to be briefed on that and consider whether there is more that we should be
doing,” he said before entering the meeting.
Asked what could be done, he said, “I doubt that there will be unanimity to do anything, as there
are certain countries on the Council that tend to resist anything else, but I think it’s an important
moment to take stock.”
On Wednesday in Yangon, hundreds of Buddhist nationalists gathered to support a harsher
crackdown on the Rohingya.
The protesters urged security forces to assert control over Rakhine State and denounced an
international advisory commission report issued last week that called for urgent government
action to protect the rights of Muslims.
The commission, led by Kofi Annan, the former United Nations secretary general, urged
Myanmar’s government to extend citizenship status for the Rohingya and allow them freedom of
movement.
Mr. Annan said the commission’s proposal was intended to “trace a path to lasting peace,
development and respect for the rule of law.”
“Violence will not bring lasting solutions to the acute problems that afflict Rakhine State,” he
said.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Boats Carrying Rohingya Fleeing Myanmar Sink, Killing 46
By AUSTIN RAMZYSEPT. 1, 2017
HONG KONG — At least 46 people believed to be Rohingya fleeing violence in western
Myanmar have been found dead on the banks of a river along the boundary with Bangladesh,
Bangladeshi officials said on Friday.
The dead — 19 children, 18 women and 9 men — were found at points along the Naf River over
the past three days, the officials said.
“We believe they were Rohingyas,” said Lt. Col. S. M. Ariful Islam, commanding officer of the
local border guard battalion. “They died because their boats capsized when they were coming to
Bangladesh by boat from Myanmar.”
An Associated Press photo showed Bangladeshi villagers on a beach covering the bodies of dead
Rohingya women and children with a tarp.
The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim ethnic group that faces oppression in Myanmar,
which denies them citizenship rights.
Last week a Rohingya militant group attacked police posts and a military base in Rakhine State
in western Myanmar, near the country’s border with Bangladesh. More than 100 people were
killed, including at least 12 members of the security forces and 80 militants.
Following those attacks, Myanmar security forces and armed local residents carried out a
campaign of mass violence against Rohingya that killed more than 200 people in Chut Pyin, a
village in Rakhine State, according to Fortify Rights, a human rights group that focuses on
Southeast Asia. The organization based its report on interviews with survivors and eyewitnesses.
“The situation is dire,” Matthew Smith, chief executive of Fortify Rights, said in the group’s
statement. “Mass atrocity crimes are continuing. The civilian government and military need to do
everything in their power to immediately prevent more attacks.”
The violence touched off an exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh, where more than 300,000
Rohingya live in squalid refugee camps. Since the fighting began one week ago, at least 27,000
people have crossed into Bangladesh, with another 20,000 stranded between the two
countries, the United Nations said Thursday.
Many Rohingya have been blocked at the border by Bangladeshi guards, according to the United
Nations’ human rights agency, which called on Bangladesh to allow people fleeing violence to
cross freely into the country from Myanmar.
A Rohingya extremist group called the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army claimed responsibility
for the attacks last week. The government of Myanmar also blamed the group for the Aug. 26
killing of six Hindu villagers on in Maungtaw Township in northern Rakhine State.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army has also killed some civilians it accused of being
government informants and blocked Rohingya men and boys from fleeing Maungdaw, a
township in Rakhine, Fortify Rights said.
The government of Myanmar denies that the Rohingya are citizens, instead calling them illegal
immigrants from Bangladesh. About one million of them live in Rakhine State, where their
ability to work and travel is limited.
Fires broke out in several parts of Rakhine State last week. The government said it was the result
of “Bengalis” setting fire to their own homes, using the term that Myanmar officials often use in
referring to the Rohingya.
Human Rights Watch, which documented the fires from satellite photos, said it was impossible
to tell the causes remotely, but said the information“bears a close resemblance to that found
during widespread arson attacks in Rakhine State during violence against the Rohingya in 2012
and 2016.”
In 2012, 10 Rohingya men were killed after three Rohingya were accused of raping and
murdering a Buddhist woman. In the riots that followed, dozens of people were killed and some
90,000 Rohingya fled into Bangladesh.
The United Nations top human rights official condemned the attacks last week and called on
Myanmar’s military to show restraint toward civilians. Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, also criticized statements from the office of Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de facto leader, accusing United Nations agencies of aiding
Rohingya militants.
The fighting last week began just over a day after a panel created by Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and
headed by Kofi Annan, the former United Nations secretary general, issued a report saying that
Myanmar need to grant basic freedoms to the Rohingya or risk more “violence and
radicalization.”
In February, a United Nations report said a wide-ranging anti-insurgency campaign in Rakhine
state had led to the killings of hundreds of men, women and children by the military and police.
Those acts were “very likely” crimes against humanity, the report said.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Why Aung San Suu Kyi’s Nobel Peace Prize Won’t Be Revoked
By RUSSELL GOLDMAN SEPT. 4, 2017
HONG KONG — Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of Myanmarand a Nobel Peace
Prize laureate who once embodied her country’s fight for democracy, came under increased
pressure on Monday to denounce a military operation that has caused thousands of Muslim
refugees to flee across the border to Bangladesh.
As protests erupted across the region and a fellow peace prize laureate took to Twitter to
confront Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, some wondered whether the Nobel Committee, which
conferred the honor on her in 1991, would publicly criticize her or could even revoke the prize.
Demonstrations against the targeting of the Rohingya ethnic group, a persecuted Muslim
minority, took place on Monday outside Australia’s Parliament in Canberra. In Jakarta,
Indonesia, protesters burned photos of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and lobbed a gasoline bomb at the
Myanmar Embassy.
“The world remains silent in the face of the massacre of Rohingya Muslims,” Farida, an
Indonesian who organized the protest and uses only one name, told reporters.
The latest violence in Myanmar began last month when Rohingya militants attacked Myanmar
military positions, in what they said was an effort to prevent further persecution by the country’s
security forces.
The military responded with what it has called “clearance operations.” According to human
rights groups, soldiers razed hundreds of Rohingya homes in Rakhine State. As a result,
thousands of Rohingya have made the treacherous journey to squalid refugee camps across the
border.
Their plight has drawn increased attention — and renewed criticism — from many people
around the world, including other Nobel Peace Prize laureates.
“Over the last several years, I have repeatedly condemned this tragic and shameful treatment,”
Malala Yousafzai, a Pakistani Muslim and the youngest recipient of the award, said in a Twitter
post on Monday. “I am still waiting for my fellow Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to do the
same. The world is waiting and the Rohingya Muslims are waiting.”
Last year, several Nobel laureates — including Ms. Yousafzai, Desmond Tutu and 11 other
recipients — signed an open letter that “warned of the potential for genocide.”
Both the open letter and Ms. Yousafzai’s Twitter post were met online by critics of Ms. Aung
San Suu Kyi, who blamed her for the crisis and called for her prize to be revoked.
Those appeals are particularly poignant given Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s history as a political
prisoner. She spent 15 years under house arrest after winning a presidential election in 1988,
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
which the ruling junta at the time refused to honor. Under a constitutional power-sharing
agreement, she was appointed state counselor after her party, the National League for
Democracy, won in a landslide election in 2015. Still, under the law, she cannot become
president and the military effectively controls many of the state’s levers of power.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has been conspicuously silent on the Rohingya issue, and when pressed
by reporters, she has toed the military’s official line, which contends that the Rohingya are
illegally squatting inside Myanmar.
“No, it’s not ethnic cleansing,” she said in a rare interview on the subject in 2013.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is not the first Nobel laureate to stir controversy. In the past, activists
have called on the committee to revoke the awards of Henry Kissinger and Barack Obama. In
1994, one member of the Nobel Committee resigned in protest when the award was shared
among the Israeli leaders Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin, and the Palestinian leader Yasir
Arafat. The committee member, Kaare Kristiansen, called Mr. Arafat a “terrorist” who did not
deserve the prize.
The Nobel Committee, all Norwegian citizens appointed by the country’s Parliament, has never
rescinded a prize and will not in Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s case either, said Gunnar Stalsett, a
former committee member.
“A peace prize has never been revoked and the committee does not issue condemnations or
censure laureates,” said Mr. Stalsett, a former politician and bishop who was a deputy member of
the committee in 1991, when Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi received her award.
“The principle we follow is the decision is not a declaration of a saint,” Mr. Stalsett said. “When
the decision has been made and the award has been given, that ends the responsibility of the
committee."
Muslims on 2 Continents Protest Persecution in Myanmar
By RUSSELL GOLDMANSEPT. 4, 2017
HONG KONG — Protests erupted Monday among Muslims in Asia, Australia and Russia over a
military campaign in Myanmar that has forced tens of thousands of fellow Muslims to flee across
the border to Bangladesh.
The demonstrations raised the pressure on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of
Myanmar and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate who once embodied her country’s fight for
democracy and human rights.
In Chechnya, tens of thousands poured into the streets in a government-sanctioned protest
against what the country’s leader, Ramzan Kadyrov, called Myanmar’s “genocide” against the
persecuted Rohingya minority.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Mr. Kadyrov also criticized the Russian government, issuing vague threats if the Kremlin does
nothing to stop violence that he compared to the Holocaust. “If Russia were to support the devils
who are perpetrating the crimes, I will go against Russia,” he said in a video released before the
rally.
Demonstrations against the targeting of the Rohingya took place on Monday outside Australia’s
Parliament in Canberra. In Jakarta, Indonesia, protesters burned photos of Ms. Aung San Suu
Kyi and lobbed a gasoline bomb at the Myanmar Embassy.
“The world remains silent in the face of the massacre of Rohingya Muslims,” Farida, an
Indonesian who organized the protest and uses one name, told reporters.
The Pakistan Foreign Ministry and the Indonesian president, Joko Widodo, deplored the
violence against Rohingya refugees and called for an investigation of the reported massacres.
Amid the protests, a fellow peace prize laureate, Malala Yousafzai, took to Twitter to confront
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, asking her to condemn the violence. Some wondered whether the Nobel
Committee, which conferred the honor on her in 1991, would publicly criticize her or could even
revoke the prize.
Yanghee Lee, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, appeared to
go even further, suggesting Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi should intervene on behalf of the Rohingya.
“That’s what we would expect from any government, to protect everybody within their own
jurisdiction,” Ms. Lee told the BBC on Monday.
A Malta-based humanitarian group that has been rescuing migrants in the Mediterranean for
three years said on Monday that it was suspending operations there and sending its rescue ship,
Phoenix, to the Bay of Bengal to aid Rohingya Muslims fleeing Myanmar for Bangladesh. The
move follows months of rising tensions between the group, Migrant Offshore Aid Station, and
Italian and Libyan authorities.
The latest violence in Myanmar began last month when Rohingya militants attacked Myanmar
military positions. They said they were trying to prevent further persecution by the country’s
security forces.
The military responded with what it has called “clearance operations.” According to human
rights groups, soldiers razed hundreds of Rohingya homes in Rakhine State. As a result,
thousands of Rohingya have made the treacherous journey to squalid refugee camps across the
border.
Their plight has drawn increased attention — and renewed criticism — from many people
around the world.
“Over the last several years, I have repeatedly condemned this tragic and shameful treatment,”
Ms. Yousafzai, a Pakistani Muslim and the youngest recipient of the Nobel, said in a Twitter
post on Monday. “I am still waiting for my fellow Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to do the
same.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Last year, a group of Nobel laureates — including Ms. Yousafzai, Desmond Tutu and 11 other
recipients — signed an open letter that “warned of the potential for genocide.”
Some critics of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi blamed her for the crisis and called for her prize to be
revoked. Those appeals are particularly poignant given Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s history as a
political prisoner. She spent 15 years under house arrest after winning a presidential election in
1988, which the ruling junta refused to honor.
Under a power-sharing agreement, she was appointed state counselor after her party, the
National League for Democracy, won in a landslide election in 2015. Still, under the law, she
cannot become president and the military effectively controls many of the state’s levers of
power.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has been conspicuously silent on the Rohingya issue, and when pressed
by reporters, she has toed the official line of the military, which contends that the Rohingya are
illegally squatting inside Myanmar.
“No, it’s not ethnic cleansing,” she said in a rare interview on the subject in 2013.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is not the first Nobel laureate to stir controversy. In the past, activists
have called on the committee to revoke the awards of Henry Kissinger and Barack Obama. In
1994, one member of the Nobel Committee resigned in protest when the award was shared
among the Israeli leaders Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin and the Palestinian leader Yasir
Arafat. The committee member, Kaare Kristiansen, called Mr. Arafat a “terrorist” who did not
deserve the prize.
The Nobel Committee, all Norwegian citizens appointed by the country’s Parliament, will not
rescind Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s prize, said Gunnar Stalsett, a former committee member.
“The principle we follow is the decision is not a declaration of a saint,” said Mr. Stalsett, a
former politician and bishop who was a deputy member of the committee in 1991, when Ms.
Aung San Suu Kyi received her award. “When the decision has been made and the award has
been given, that ends the responsibility of the committee.”
Desperate Rohingya Flee Myanmar on Trail of Suffering: ‘It Is All Gone’
By HANNAH BEECH SEPT. 2, 2017
REZU AMTALI, Bangladesh — They stumble down muddy ravines and flooded creeks through
miles of hills and jungle in Bangladesh, and thousands more come each day, in a line stretching
to the monsoon-darkened horizon.
Some are gaunt and spent, already starving and carrying listless and dehydrated babies, with
many miles to go before they reach any refugee camp.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
They are tens of thousands of Rohingya, who arrive bearing accounts of massacre at the hands of
the Myanmar security forces and allied mobs that started on Aug. 25, after Rohingya militants
staged attacks against government forces.
The retaliation that followed was carried out in methodical assaults on villages, with helicopters
raining down fire on civilians and front-line troops cutting off families’ escape. The villagers’
accounts all portray indiscriminate attacks against fleeing noncombatants, adding to a death toll
that even in early estimates is high into the hundreds, and is probably vastly worse.
“There are no more villages left, none at all,” said Rashed Ahmed, a 46-year-old farmer from a
hamlet in Maungdaw Township in Myanmar. He had already been walking for four days. “There
are no more people left, either,” he said. “It is all gone.”
The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic minority who live in Myanmar’s far western Rakhine State.
Most were stripped of their citizenship by the military junta that used to rule Myanmar, and they
have suffered decades of repression under the country’s Buddhist majority, including killings
and mass rape, according to the United Nations. A new armed resistance is giving the military
more reasons to oppress them.
But the past week’s exodus of civilians caught in the middle, which the United Nations said had
reached nearly 76,000 on Saturday, dwarfs previous outflows of refugees to Bangladesh in such
a short time period. Friday’s influx alone was the single largest movement of Rohingya here in
more than a generation, according to the United Nations office in Dhaka.
The dying is not yet done. Some of the Rohingya militants have persuaded or coerced men and
boys to stay behind and keep up the fight. And civilians who have stayed on the trail are running
toward conditions so grim that they constitute a second humanitarian catastrophe.
They face another round of gunfire from Myanmar’s border guards, and miles of treacherous hill
trails and flood-swollen streams and mud fields ahead before they reach crowded camps without
enough food or medical help. Dozens were killed when their boats overturned, leaving the bodies
of women and children washed up on river banks.
Tens of thousands more Rohingya are waiting for the Bangladeshi border force to allow them to
enter. Still more are moving north from the Rohingya-dominated districts of Rakhine State. And
the violence there continues.
“It breaks all records of inhumanity,” said a member of the Border Guard Bangladesh named
Anamul, stationed at the Kutupalong Rohingya refugee camp. “I have never seen anything like
this.”
Here, in the forests of Rezu Amtali near the border with Myanmar, dozens of Rohingya told
stories that were horrifying in their content and consistency.
After militants from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacked police posts and an army
base on Aug. 25, killing more than a dozen, the Myanmar military began torching entire villages
with helicopters and petrol bombs, aided by Buddhist vigilantes from the ethnic Rakhine group,
those fleeing the violence said.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Person after person along the trail into Bangladesh told of how the security forces cordoned off
Rohingya villages as the fire rained down, and then shot and stabbed civilians. Children were not
exempt.
Mizanur Rahman recalled how on Aug. 25 he had been working in a rice paddy in his village,
known in Rohingya as Ton Bazar, in Buthidaung Township in Myanmar, when helicopters
roared into the sky above him.
“Immediately, I had fear in my heart,” he said. His wife came running out of their house with
their son, less than a month old.
They escaped to a nearby forest and watched as the choppers’ weapons engulfed the village in
flames. Myanmar security forces descended, and the sound of gunfire reached the forest.
Mr. Rahman’s extended family fled the next day, but not before seeing his brother’s body lying
on the ground, along with seven others. Three days later, as they climbed a hill near the border
with Bangladesh, Mr. Rahman’s mother was shot dead by a Myanmar border guard.
“Now we are supposed to be safe in Bangladesh, but I do not feel safe,” Mr. Rahman said, as he
wandered through a market in the Kutupalong refugee camp, with no money in his pocket.
His wife’s postpartum bleeding has increased so much that she can no longer walk or produce
milk for their infant son. The baby, cradled in Mr. Rahman’s arms, looked skeletal, parched skin
pinched at his joints. Other refugees took turns gently touching the baby’s feet to check if he was
still alive.
The Myanmar military said on Friday that nearly 400 people had been killed in the violence that
has swept across northern Rakhine since Aug. 25. Of that death toll, 370 people were identified
as Rohingya fighters. Fourteen civilians, including four ethnic Rakhine and seven Hindus, were
also reported killed. Myanmar officials, however, have given no specific accounting of civilian
Rohingya deaths.
Dozens of people I spoke to on the refugee trail said they had seen multiple people shot dead in
at least 15 different villages. Others spoke of families burned alive in their homes. Human rights
groups, while sifting through survivors’ testimonies, have begun to make estimates that could
add up to hundreds of Rohingya killed over the past week.
Human Rights Watch, the New York-based watchdog, documented 17 sites where satellite
imagery showed extensive fire damage, including one village where 700 buildings had burned.
The Myanmar government claims Rohingya militants have torched their own homes in a bid for
international sympathy. And the military maintains its current operations in Rakhine are
designed at rooting out “extremist terrorists.”
There are, clearly, combatants on the Rohingya side. The state news media have reported that
more than 50 clashes have broken out between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, known by
the acronym ARSA, and Myanmar security forces over the past week.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
That has further complicated life for civilians trying to flee.
Fortify Rights, a human-rights group based in Bangkok, interviewed villagers remaining in
Maungdaw township who said that ARSA was forcing men and boys to stay and fight. The
refugees flowing into Bangladesh have been predominantly women and children, leading to
speculation as to where the men are.
Mr. Ahmed, the farmer, said that he was too old to fight, but that 20 others from his village,
Renuaz, had remained. “They have nothing to lose,” he said. “The Myanmar government wants
to eradicate an entire ethnic group.”
What the survivors are fleeing into is no haven. Bangladesh is itself poor, overcrowded and
waterlogged, and has been reluctant to take on more displaced Rohingya. Around 400,000
already lived here before the exodus, according to government figures.
An urgent humanitarian disaster is brewing here in a country hard-pressed to feed itself, much
less a new influx of refugees that one Bangladeshi official estimated could soon surpass 100,000
people.
For now, the Border Guard Bangladesh is mostly turning a blind eye and allowing the Rohingya
to stream across the border.
But there is little help for them here, as they push on in hopes of reaching some of the grim
refugee camps further in.
A week after Myanmar’s military crackdown began, volunteers for the World Food Program in
Bangladesh worried that they had not been able to offer rice to the new arrivals at the camps.
“We are waiting for an order but it has not come yet,” said Mohamed Yasin, a Rohingya who
hands out food for the United Nations organization.
The luckiest of the Rohingya leaving the violence by trekking through the Chittagong Hills
hefted bamboo poles laden with their most treasured belongings: sacks of rice, umbrellas, solar
panels, water pots and grass mats.
Others, though, carried nothing at all because they had no time to organize anything before their
flight. Toddlers marched naked. Not a single person wore shoes, which would have been ripped
off by the sucking mud.
One woman staggered down a ravine in the downpour, an infant clutched in one arm and a live
chicken in a bag held in her other. Tripping on a root or a rock, she suddenly fell backward into
deep mud. Both she and the baby were so weak that there was no cry as they fell.
I reached out my hand to pull her up, and our eyes met, but she was too exhausted to form any
other reaction. She immediately turned her gaze forward to the trail, and I watched her as she
made her way down the gully and began trudging up a creek.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
An international response to the crisis has started. On Wednesday, Britain arranged for a closed-
door meeting of the United Nations Security Council to discuss the Rohingya emergency. The
civilian government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has faced mounting global criticism for refusing
to acknowledge the magnitude of the military offensive on civilian Rohingya populations.
On Tuesday, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein,
rejected allegations from Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s administration that international aid
organizations were somehow complicit in aiding Rohingya militants.
Earlier this year, the United Nations set up a special commission to investigate another military
onslaught that caused 85,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh over the course of the following
months, following an ARSA attack on police posts in October. But Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s
government has barred the United Nations team from Myanmar.
In an open letter to Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, nearly a dozen of her fellow Nobel Peace Prize
laureates labeled last October’s military offensive “a human tragedy amounting to ethnic
cleansing and crimes against humanity.”
“Some international experts have warned of the potential for genocide,” said the letter, signed by
Desmond Tutu and Malala Yousafzai, among others. “It has all the hallmarks of recent past
tragedies: Rwanda, Darfur, Bosnia, Kosovo.”
On Thursday and Friday, when thousands of refugees finally reached the village of Rezu Amtali,
a five-hour trek through the hills from the border, there were no aid groups to meet them.
Sympathetic villagers offered some drinking water and packets of snacks, while autorickshaw
drivers ferried families to the sprawl of makeshift settlements that surround the Kutupalong
camp. Most had to walk hours more, through torrential downpours, to reach the refugee
shantytown.
Standing at the edge of a muddy path to Rezu Amtali, after a five-day journey with only a few
handfuls of ruined rice to sustain them, a 6-year-old girl named Roufaja tugged at her mother’s
sleeve. “Are we in Bangladesh yet?” she asked.
Her mother, Fatima Khatun — whose husband was presumed dead and sister had been raped by
the security forces who had besieged their village — replied that they were.
“What are we going to do now?” her daughter asked, pulling at her sleeve again. “I’m hungry.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Desperate Rohingya Flee Myanmar Crackdown in Growing Numbers, U.N. Says
By AUSTIN RAMZYSEPT. 5, 2017
HONG KONG — At least 123,000 Rohingya have fled from western Myanmar into neighboring
Bangladesh since late last month, the United Nations said on Tuesday, as a military crackdown
has destroyed villages and killed hundreds.
In recent days, a constant stream of desperate people has marched through muddy fields while
attempting to escape the violence. At least 46 Rohingya died last week when boats capsized
while crossing a river between the two countries, the Bangladeshi authorities said.
The Rohingya are a largely Muslim ethnic group who mainly live in Rakhine State in western
Myanmar, where they face severe restrictions on basic rights. On Aug. 25, Rohingya militants
attacked several police outposts and a military base, killing at least 12 members of security
forces.
The Myanmar military says it killed 370 Rohingya fighters in response to that attack. Soldiers
and Buddhist vigilantes have carried out a campaign against people in Rakhine State, and those
who have fled described seeing civilians shot from helicopters and homes burned to the ground.
Rohingya fleeing Myanmar have said that members of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, the
militant group that claimed it carried out the attacks on Myanmar government forces, have tried
to block men from fleeing villages and demanded they stay and fight against the government.
With villages still in flames in Rakhine State, the exodus that began last month is expected to
continue, rights groups and United Nations officials said.
There are “clear signs that more will cross into Bangladesh from Myanmar before situation
stabilizes,” Mohammed Abdiker, director of operations and emergencies for the United Nations
migration agency, said on Twitter.
The “suffering will continue” without more international support, he added.
Migrant Offshore Aid Station, a humanitarian group based in Malta that has focused on
protecting migrants who travel over dangerous maritime routes, said this week that it was
shifting operations from the Mediterranean Sea to Southeast Asia to help with the Rohingya
crisis.
Rakhine State is home to about one million Rohingya, and in addition to those who have fled,
thousands more face a growing risk of violence and food shortages, Amnesty International said.
Last month the government of Myanmar accused aid agencies of colluding with Rohingya
militants, a claim that Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the United Nations high commissioner for human
rights, called unsupported and irresponsible.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Aid agencies say the government has continued to block their access to Rakhine State, increasing
the risk to people of all ethnic groups fleeing the violence. “By blocking access for humanitarian
organizations, Myanmar’s authorities have put tens of thousands of people at risk and shown a
callous disregard for human life,” Tirana Hassan, Amnesty International’s director for crisis
response, said in a statement.
“Rakhine State is on the precipice of a humanitarian disaster,” she added.
The continuing violence has fanned criticism of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de facto
leader and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate for her struggle against military rule. On Monday, she
was confronted on Twitter by Malala Yousafzai, a fellow peace prize laureate, who asked Ms.
Aung San Suu Kyi to speak out about the plight of the Rohingya. The governments of several
predominantly Muslim countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan and Turkey, have also
expressed concern.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and her government have argued that the Rohingya are migrants from
Bangladesh who do not deserve citizenship rights, although most have roots in the area that go
back generations.
Refugees’ Flight and Land Mines Spur Bangladesh Protest to Myanmar
By HANNAH BEECH and AUSTIN RAMZY SEPT. 6, 2017
COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh — Bangladesh on Wednesday protested the huge influx of people
fleeing violence in Myanmar and raised concerns with Myanmar’s government about reports that
its military was placing land mines along the countries’ shared border.
Bangladesh “demanded immediate measures from Myanmar to de-escalate the ongoing
violence,” according to a statement from the Bangladesh Foreign Ministry.
Manjurul Karim Khan Chowdhury, director general for Southeast Asia for the Foreign Ministry,
issued the protest on Wednesday to Aung Myint, chargé d’affaires of the Myanmar Embassy in
Dhaka.
Myanmar’s government did not issue an immediate response. Zaw Htay, a spokesman for its de
facto leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, questioned who was responsible for the land mines in
comments this week to Reuters, which first reported Bangladesh’s allegations. “Who can surely
say those mines were not laid by the terrorists?” he asked.
More than 146,000 people are believed to have crossed from Myanmar into Bangladesh since
late last month, according to the United Nations.
Nearly all are ethnic Rohingya, a Muslim group that has long faced oppression and denial of
citizenship rights in Buddhist-majority Myanmar. The surge across the border followed Aug. 25
attacks by a Rohingya militant group on police stations and a military base in Rakhine State.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Rohingya witnesses who have reached Bangladesh say that the military and vigilante mobs of
ethnic Rakhine have torched dozens of villages and sprayed bullets at fleeing residents. Satellite
photos have shown many fires in the area, which is unusual given the current monsoon
conditions, Human Rights Watch said.
At least 15 members of the Myanmar security forces and 370 members of the militant group
have been killed, the government says.
The violence has touched off an exodus of desperate people, carrying children and scant
possessions as they cross the border on foot. Land mines have increased their risk.
One woman was injured in a land mine explosion Monday, and two siblings were hurt in another
blast Tuesday, said Maj. Iqbal Ahmed of the Border Guard Bangladesh. Another two children
were injured slightly when a group of Rohingya spotted land mines and threw something to set
them off, he said.
The explosions occurred on Myanmar’s side of the border, Major Ahmed added. He would not
comment on whether the mines were laid by the Myanmar military.
At the government-run Sadar Hospital in Cox’s Bazar, some of the Rohingya who had been
admitted “had injuries consistent with land mine explosions,” said Dr. Shaheen Abdur Rahman
Chowdhury, the resident medical officer.
One of the injured, Hobaid, who uses one name, was admitted to Sadar Hospital with a gunshot
wound in the chest and land mine injuries.
He was hurt Friday in Maungdaw Township in Myanmar, near the Bangladeshi border crossing
of Tumbru, his brother Kojail said. Three men were killed when the land mine exploded, and
four were injured, Kojail said.
“What is happening to our people is monstrous,” said their father, Aktar Hussan, 70. “We don’t
know if things will ever get better. All we can do is to rely on almighty Allah.”
The Myanmar military has, for decades, been accused of using land mines in conflicts with
ethnic armies. Myanmar is one of 35 countries that have not joined an international treaty
banning antipersonnel mines. Rebel militias, like the Kachin Independence Army in Myanmar’s
north, have also been accused of using land mines. Civilians are often the victims.
In addition to land mines, people trying to cross the border face other dangers. Last week, at least
46 Rohingya died when their boats sank while crossing a river between the two countries.
Even for those who have crossed safely into Bangladesh, grim conditions await. The Bangladesh
government estimated that 400,000 Rohingya refugees were already in the country before the
latest influx began.
The arrival of so many people in such a short time has put aid groups under extreme pressure,
and camps for them at a “breaking point” because of a lack of space, Duniya Aslam Khan,
spokeswoman for the United Nations’ refugee agency, said Tuesday.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
“Those who have made it to Bangladesh are in poor condition,” she added. “Most have walked
for days from their villages — hiding in jungles, crossing mountains and rivers with what they
could salvage from their homes. They are hungry, weak and sick.”
Rohingya who remain in Rakhine State in Myanmar face an even bleaker picture, aid groups say,
with dwindling food and continuing military raids on their villages. The Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army, the Rohingya militant group that claimed responsibility for the Aug. 25 attacks,
has also blocked some men and boys from leaving, refugees in Bangladesh said.
The government of Myanmar said Wednesday that more than 26,000 people had been displaced
in Rakhine State, but that figure does not include Rohingya civilians.
The government of Myanmar has denied that its military is attacking civilians in Rakhine State.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi said Tuesday that security forces were carrying out a campaign against
terrorists while protecting residents of the area.
“We know very well, more than most, what it means to be deprived of human rights and
democratic protection,” she said during a phone call with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of
Turkey, according to her office. “So we make sure that all the people in our country are entitled
to protection of their rights as well as the right to, and not just political, but social and
humanitarian defense.”
Mr. Erdogan, who last week called the violence against the Rohingya “genocide,” told her the
humanitarian crisis was rousing public anger, Turkish news media reported. Turkey later
announced it would send aid to Rakhine State.
Governments from several other predominantly Muslim countries, including Pakistan, Malaysia
and Indonesia, have also expressed concern. Malala Yousafzai of Pakistan, the youngest Nobel
Peace Prize laureate, also confronted Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi on Twitter.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi complained to Mr. Erdogan of “a huge iceberg of misinformation
calculated to create a lot of problems between different communities and with the aim of
promoting the interest of the terrorists.”
Mehmet Simsek, the deputy prime minister of Turkey, posted last month on Twitter that the
world was “turning a blind eye to ethnic cleansing” in Myanmar. Among the photos he posted
were some from other events and other countries.
A sea of unverified postings have purported to show bloodshed in Rakhine State. Large numbers
of recently created Twitter accounts have also hurled abuse at reporters and staff members of
nongovernmental organizations posting anything seen as sympathetic toward the Rohingya or
playing down the violence of the Rohingya militants.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Afghan Anger Simmers Over U.S. Leaflets Seen as Insulting Islam
By MUJIB MASHAL, FAHIM ABED and FATIMA FAIZISEPT. 8, 2017
KABUL, Afghanistan — The sermon at the mosque in Kabul’s diplomatic quarter on Friday
sounded a familiar but disquieting theme.
“You have disrespected the feelings of 1.8 billion Muslims and all that they hold sacred,” the
imam, Muhammed Ayaz Niazi, bellowed, addressing the American forces in Afghanistan.
“Those who have committed this grave crime are trying to test our people, to see if they are dead
or alive. We promise to defend our values, defend our religion, defend our soil.”
Most of the Western missions are a stone’s throw from the mosque and, even if they didn’t
understand the local language, their staffs could hear the anger.
Once again, the American military had stumbled into insulting the religion of the people they are
here to help defend, inadvertently stoking anti-American anger and violence.
This time, the rage was over a leaflet dropped on homes in Parwan Province, north of Kabul, on
Tuesday night. The postcard- sized leaflets showed a lion, representing the American-led
coalition forces, chasing a dog, an animal seen as dirty in Islamic tradition, wrapped in the
Taliban flag.
The problem? The writing on the flag, in large letters, is the text most sacred to Muslims: the
shahada, the foundational declaration of faith in God.
American military officials quickly apologized, and so far the reaction has been less severe than
that following the NATO burning of Qurans in 2012, or the video of American Marines urinating
on dead Taliban fighters the same year.
But a suicide attack on Bagram Air Base on Wednesday, which wounded four people, was
carried out in revenge for the leaflets, the Taliban claimed.
American military officials said they were watching the situation “very closely.” Gen. John W.
Nicholson Jr., the top American and NATO commander, was in Belgium when the leafleting
took place, and his staff described him as “absolutely furious.”
Maj. Gen. James Linder, commander of the joint Special Operations forces in
Afghanistan, issued an apology on Wednesday, saying there was “no excuse for this mistake”
and promising to “make appropriate changes so this never happens again.”
The episode comes at a particularly awkward time for the United States and the Afghan
government, just after the Trump administration began stepping up the American military
presence here and the administration of President Ashraf Ghani has taken heat for failing to
criticize the Americans for an airstrike that killed 11 civilians in southeastern Afghanistan last
week.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Mr. Ghani, who has lived most of his life in the West and has struggled to find a firm
connection with large segments of his own people, has not spoken publicly about the
leaflets either.
“The forces in Bagram already apologized for the leaflets,” his spokesman, Shahhussain
Murtazawi said. “President Ghani is closely following these issues.”
Mr. Ghani has been vocally supportive of Mr. Trump’s new Afghan strategy, announced
last month, that increases the number of troops by an unspecified amount and doubles
American air power. Mr. Trump said the new strategy was not a blank check, but he has
provided no timeline for withdrawal or defined what constitutes success.
The anger comes during a week of tense public rallies and gatherings, which could spiral
out of the control of a government that has struggled to contain public demonstrations.
Several large protests against the killings of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar also ended
up addressing the leaflet issue.
“Those who are waging jihad for uprooting the Jews and Christians, and the infidel
Americans who are disrespecting our religion, their feet are worthy of being kissed,”
Abdul Satar Khawasi, a member of the Afghan Parliament, said at a pro-Rohingya protest
near the presidential palace.
In Parwan, where the leaflets were dropped, the governor, Muhammad Asim, condemned
the action, promising to punish those who committed “this unforgivable mistake.” But he
and other local officials also engaged in damage control, meeting with elders and urging
religious scholars to calm the anger that the Taliban was already seeking to exploit.
Gen. Zaman Mamozai, the provincial police chief, tried to get his constituents to put the
insult into perspective. “I told them that it was a mistake, and then I asked them what they
think about terrorist suicide attacks in mosques?” he said. “Attacks on funeral ceremonies,
attacks on schools? I told them the leaflets issue was a mistake and it was a bad thing, but
if they hold protests on Friday, it would not be beneficial.”
Sadullah Abu Aman, head of the council of religious scholars in Badakhshan Province,
had a similar message. “Americans are creating problems for themselves with publishing
such leaflets, they should not do this,” he said. But, he added, “we will not follow and
discuss this issue of leaflets too much, because the security situation in Badakhshan is
already not good, and if we discuss it too much it will make the security situation worse.”
By Friday night, with Friday Prayers long over, Afghan and American officials were
hoping the worst had blown over.
But official apologies have rarely quelled anger on matters of religion in conservative
Afghanistan. In 2011, protesters angry over news of a Florida church burning the
Quran stormed a United Nations office in the north, killing 12 people.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
After the Quran burning at Bagram came to light, violent protests eruptedaround the
country. Thousands besieged the base, shouting death to America and throwing gasoline
bombs, and at least 29 Afghans and 6 American soldiers were killed.
In the aftermath, the commanding general instituted mandatory training for all military
personnel in Afghanistan on the proper way to dispose of religious material. “We are
taking steps to ensure this does not ever happen again,” the NATO commander, General,
John R. Allen, said at the time.
It hasn’t. But there was no training about the use of Quranic text on propaganda leaflets.
270,000 Rohingya Have Fled Myanmar, U.N. Says
By AUSTIN RAMZYSEPT. 8, 2017
HONG KONG — The number of Rohingya who have fled fighting in western Myanmar
has climbed sharply to 270,000, placing a huge strain on camps in Bangladesh where they
are seeking shelter, the United Nations refugee agency said Friday.
On Thursday, the United Nations agency said that about 164,000 Rohingya had fled since
fighting broke out in late August.
Two refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar in southeast Bangladesh that were already home to
nearly 34,000 Rohingya “are now bursting at the seams,” Duniya Aslam Khan, a
spokeswoman for the refugee agency, said in a statement.
“The limited shelter capacity is already exhausted,” she said. “Refugees are now squatting
in makeshift shelters that have mushroomed along the road and on available land in the
Ukhiya and Teknaf areas.”
The sharp increase is the result of more people leaving Myanmar and a more detailed
count of those already in Bangladesh, Mohammed Abdiker, director of operations and
emergencies for the United Nations migration agency, the International Organization for
Migration, said on Twitter.
The refugees in Bangladesh are mostly women and children who have arrived on foot, the
United Nations refugee agency said. Some have tried to make dangerous crossings by
boat. Last week, at least 46 Rohingya were found dead along the banks of the Naf River,
which forms part of the border between Myanmar and Bangladesh.
The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic group that has faced severe repression in Myanmar,
where a Buddhist majority has long ruled. About one million Rohingya live in Rakhine
State in the west of the country. An additional 300,000 to 500,000 live in Bangladesh,
many of them in grim refugee camps.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of Myanmar and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate
for her long struggle against military rule, has come under increasing international
criticism for the plight of the Rohingya. Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa, also a
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Nobel laureate, wrote in a letterThursday that it was “incongruous for a symbol of
righteousness to lead such a country” that “is not at peace with itself, that fails to
acknowledge and protect the dignity and worth of all its people.”
Senator John McCain of Arizona also wrote to Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi this week, noting
that he had been her friend and supporter and calling on her “to take an active role in
putting a stop to this worsening humanitarian crisis as it spreads throughout the country.”
Malala Yousafzai of Pakistan, the youngest Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has
also confronted Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi on Twitter over the violence against the
Rohingya.
The most recent surge of refugees came after a Rohingya militant group attacked several
police posts and a military base in Rakhine on Aug. 25. The government of Myanmar said
15 members of the security forces and 370 militants were killed.
Refugees say the military and Buddhist vigilantes have attacked villages, stabbing and
shooting people, and burning homes. The government of Myanmar denies citizenship
rights to the Rohingya and claims instead that they are illegal immigrants from
Bangladesh.
Myanmar officials have blamed the Rohingya for fires that have been seen burning in
many villages across Rakhine, saying they are burning their own homes.
A BBC correspondent on a government-chaperoned trip to Rakhine reported
Thursday that he saw Rakhine Buddhist men walking from an unoccupied Rohingya
village that had just caught fire. “One of them admitted he had lit the fires, and said he
had help from the police,” wrote the correspondent, Jonathan Head.
Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar Is ‘Ethnic Cleansing,’ U.N. Rights Chief Says
By NICK CUMMING-BRUCESEPT. 11, 2017
GENEVA — The United Nations’ top human rights official accused Myanmar on
Monday of carrying out “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing” against Rohingya
Muslims, hundreds of thousands of whom have crossed into Bangladesh since late August
to escape a military crackdown.
Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, said the
military’s “brutal” security campaign was in clear violation of international law, and cited
what he called refugees’ consistent accounts ofwidespread extrajudicial killings, rape and
other atrocities.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Mr. al-Hussein said the crackdown “resembles a cynical ploy to forcibly transfer large
numbers of people without possibility of return,” noting that Myanmar had progressively
stripped its Rohingya minority of civil and political rights for decades.
“The situation seems a textbook example of ethnic cleansing,” he said in a keynote
address before the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva.
More than 300,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since Aug. 25, when
armed Rohingya militants attacked police posts and a military base in the western state of
Rakhine, which borders Bangladesh. The Myanmar authorities said 15 members of the
security forces and 370 militants had been killed in the fighting.
Since then, Rohingya refugees arriving in Bangladesh have told journalists, rights groups
and others that soldiers, along with some local residents, had set fire to numerous villages
and had butchered Rohingya men, women and children.
Some officials in Myanmar have said that Rohingya had set fire to their own homes and
villages. On Monday, Mr. al-Hussein called such accusations a “complete denial of
reality” that was damaging the international standing of a leadership that had benefited
from considerable good will as the country emerged from decades of military rule.
Mr. al-Hussein’s comments added to mounting international criticism of the military’s
actions in Rakhine. Some of it has singled out Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader
of the elected civilian government, who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for
her resistance to the military dictatorship. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi does not control
Myanmar’s military, but she has yet to criticize its crackdown on the Rohingya.
On Friday, the Dalai Lama became the latest Nobel Peace Prize laureate to raise the issue
of her silence, following statements from Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa and the
rights advocate Malala Yousafzai of Pakistan, both of whom called on Ms. Aung San Suu
Kyi to take action.
The Dalai Lama told journalists in Dharamsala, India, that those who were persecuting
Rohingya “should remember Buddha,” a pointed reminder to the Buddhists who make up
a majority of Myanmar’s population. Some Buddhist nationalists in Myanmar have
campaigned for Muslims to be driven out of the country.
The Buddha “would definitely give help to those poor Muslims,” the Dalai Lama said.
On Sunday, leaders who had gathered in Astana, Kazakhstan, for a meeting of the
Organization of Islamic Cooperation issued a statement condemning the “systematic
brutal acts” against the Rohingya and asked Myanmar to allow a United Nations fact-
finding mission into the country to investigate.
That mission was established after an earlier crackdown in Rakhine, in October, also in
response to a coordinated attack on security forces by Rohingya militants. Myanmar’s
government has refused to cooperate with the mission and has said it will not allow
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
members of the group into the country. The mission is scheduled to report to the United
Nations rights council this month.
The Organization of Islamic Cooperation is currently led by President Recep Tayyip
Erdogan of Turkey. His wife, Ermine Erdogan, traveled to Bangladesh with a
consignment of humanitarian aid last week, urging the government in Dhaka to keep its
borders open for Rohingya refugees.
The militant group blamed for the August attacks, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army,
declared a unilateral, one-month ceasefire on Sunday, citing the need to allow the delivery
of humanitarian aid and urging Myanmar’s military to lay down its arms. The government
refused, saying it would not negotiate with terrorists.
In his address on Monday, Mr. al-Hussein said he was appalled by reports that
Myanmar’s military has placed mines along the border with Bangladesh. Amnesty
International said on Sunday that it had documented “what seems to be targeted use of
land mines” by Myanmar’s security forces at crossing points used by refugees.
The rights group said that one civilian near the border had been killed and that three
people, including two children, had been seriously injured by mines in the past week.
“This is another low in what is already a horrific situation in Rakhine,” said Tirana
Hassan, Amnesty’s crisis response director.
Far From Myanmar Violence, Rohingya in Pakistan Are Seething
By MEHREEN ZAHRA-MALIKSEPT. 12, 2017
KARACHI, Pakistan — It was happening again, but worse than ever: Hundreds of
thousands of ethnic Rohingya Muslims were fleeing Myanmar while under attack by
the security forces, and the deaths kept mounting.
Everybody in the vast Arkanabad slum of Karachi has family members who were
affected by the government raids that started last month.
Outside Myanmar, and perhaps now Bangladesh, Pakistan is home to the highest
concentration of Rohingya in the world, from a previous exodus of Rohingya in the
1970s and ’80s. A vast majority live in neighborhoods that are distressingly
impoverished even by Karachi’s standards.
Now they are angry that Pakistan is not doing more to stop the killing in Myanmar, let
alone improve the condition of the estimated 500,000 Rohingya who live in this
country.
“The government needs to do more: Send them more aid, send them food, and break
ties with Myanmar completely,” said Noor Hussain Arkani, who leads the Pakistan
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
chapter of a charity in the Rohingya community, the Rohingya Solidarity Organization.
“We need world pressure behind us to end this violence, this hell. Just issuing
statements isn’t enough.”
Pakistan was among the earliest and most strident in condemning the Myanmar government for
its offensive, which started after Rohingya militants killed members of the security forces. The
United Nations said Tuesday that since then, at least 370,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh.
But even as politicians and civil society in Pakistan are up in arms over how members
of the Buddhist majority in Myanmar are abusing the Muslim Rohingyas there,
hundreds of thousands of Rohingya migrants here continue to live in desperation.
Across the Arkanabad slum — named after the old designation for Myanmar’s present-
day Rakhine State — decrepit shanties with temporary walls, often with no doors and
windows and unsteady corrugated roofs, serve as homes to more than 100,000
Rohingya.
The men mostly work as fishermen, while a small number weave carpets or are
employed in garment factories. Malnutrition and diarrhea are common among children
who have little access to schools and spend their days playing in rivers of garbage.
Residents said that up to 30 families shared a single tap of water. But even where
running water is available, it often flows for less than four hours a day. There are no
hospitals in the slums, and at least six women spoke of having a relative die giving birth
because she had been denied admission to government hospitals.
Still, what people complained of the most in interviews last week was routine
harassment by the police. Many spoke grimly of a “Burma Cell,” a special police
division responsible for cracking down on Rohingya migrants. (Burma is the former
name of Myanmar.)
Many Rohingya have carried Pakistani national ID cards for years but since the
authorities started cracking down on fake versions in 2014, many have found it hard to
renew their cards. And the second generation is being denied cards altogether, they
said.
“Without cards, we are blocked out of jobs, our children can’t apply for admission in
high schools and we can’t access government hospitals,” said Mr. Arkani, of the
Rohingya Solidarity Organization.
In the slum of Burmi Colony, many residents spoke of being forbidden by the police to
leave to fish. Mohammad Younis, a fisherman in his 30s, said he had not worked for
half a year and his monthly salary of around $600 had shrunk to less than $60.
“When I try and take my nets and go out, I get stopped by the police, who ask for my
ID,” said Mr. Younis, whose documents expired six months ago. “I show them
documents to prove I am trying to renew my ID card, but they don’t even let me leave
the colony.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
He added, “We will die, trapped here without access to our means of livelihood.”
Residents described arrests of people without cards who were then held either on
impossible bail or until they paid a bribe directly to officers.
Malik Ishfaque, the station house master at the police station under whose jurisdiction
many of the Rohingya-majority slums fall, said that officers were duty-bound to crack
down on anyone who did not possess valid documents. And while he acknowledged
that the Burma Cell used to exist, he said it had been dismantled.
Asked about instances of harassment and intimidation by the police that some
Rohingya had described, Mr. Ishfaque said: “We act against these people because they
are a group of thieves,” noting that crimes like pick-pocketing and robbery in the
surrounding area were mostly committed by the Rohingya.
Despite having little, the Rohingya have been trying to directly help their people back
in Myanmar.
Mr. Arkani said the community had raised money to send meat from 30 cows for the
new wave of refugees in Bangladesh, as no new refugees were being allowed into
Pakistan. The Rohingya Solidarity Organization had also set up a glass donation box,
but it was almost empty.
“We are so poor already, but even then we try to raise whatever little money we can
among ourselves,” he said. “But we need more help from Pakistani people who are rich,
who have resources.”
Many who live here cannot even officially identify themselves as Rohingya. To avoid
persecution and be accepted as naturalized citizens, many pretended to be Bengalis who
migrated from East Pakistan before the 1971 war of independence, after which it
became Bangladesh.
“You ask if we have enough to eat or drink, but I ask you: What is our condition when
we cannot even say we are Burmese?” said Noor Jabbar, a community elder whose ID
card expired three months ago but who has not succeeded in renewing it.
For his part, Khalid Saifullah, 70, who migrated from Myanmar four decades ago,
described persistent mistreatment. “They won’t let me be a citizen, because then they
have to give me rights and they won’t call me a refugee because then they have to give
me aid,” said Mr. Saifullah, showing the high school diploma he had received from a
school in Karachi. “I am not a citizen or a refugee. I am an illegal alien. I am nothing.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The Rohingya in Myanmar: How Years of Strife Grew Into a Crisis
By MEGAN SPECIASEPT. 13, 2017
A military crackdown against the Rohingya ethnic group has driven hundreds of thousands of
men, women and children from their homes in Myanmar.
The Rohingya have faced violence and discrimination in the majority-Buddhist country for
decades, but they are now fleeing in unprecedented numbers from violence that the United
Nations human rights chief, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, has called “a textbook example of ethnic
cleansing.”
Here’s how an old and bitter dispute has managed to become even more charged.
The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic group that practices a form of Sunni Islam and have lived in
Rakhine, one of Myanmar’s poorest states, for generations. Before the latest exodus, an
estimated one million Rohingya lived there, but even then they were a minority in the state. The
group has its own language and cultural practices.
Some trace their origins there to the 15th century, an assertion the government disputes. Their
name itself refers to the area they claim as home, according to the Council on Foreign Relations:
Rohang derives from the word Arakan, the former name of Rakhine State, in the Rohingya
dialect, and ga or gya means from.
Myanmar doesn’t recognize Rohingya as citizens and sees them instead as immigrants from
Bangladesh who came to Rakhine under British rule. The country’s first census in 30 years,
carried out in 2014, didn’t count the Rohingya; those who identify as part of the group were told
to register as Bengali and indicate that their origins were in Bangladesh. The government’s
stance makes them one of the largest stateless groups in the world.
Many live in squalid conditions similar to refugee camps.
Violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine is part of a “longstanding pattern of violations and
abuses; systematic and systemic discrimination; and policies of exclusion and marginalization”
that have persisted for decades, according to the United Nations human rights agency.
Since a 1962 coup in Myanmar, the country’s successive governments have significantly limited
the rights of the Rohingya.
A law passed in 1982 denied them citizenship, leaving them off a list of 135 ethnic groups
formally recognized by the government. This limited the Rohingya’s access to schools and health
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
care and their ability to move in and out of the country. The government in Rakhine at times has
also enforced a two-child limit on Rohingya families and has restricted interfaith marriage.
Tensions in Rakhine have often erupted into violence, prompting hundreds of thousands to seek
refuge in Bangladesh and Pakistan in different waves over the decades.
In May 2012, the rape and murder of a Buddhist prompted a series of revenge attacks against
Muslims. The violence quickly intensified. The military began a wide-ranging crackdown, and
hundreds of thousands fled.
In October 2013, thousands of Buddhist men carried out coordinated attacks on Muslim villages
throughout Rakhine. Human rights groups say the violence that erupted in 2012 and continued
into 2013 amounted to ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. A 2013 Human Rights
Watch report said violence in Rakhine was a “coordinated campaign to forcibly relocate or
remove the state’s Muslims.” The response from world leaders, however, has been limited.
Last October, an armed Rohingya insurgency came to light when militants from the Arakan
Rohingya Salvation Army, then known as Harakah al-Yaqin, attacked three border guard posts.
Over the four months that followed, Myanmar’s army, known as the Tatmadaw, and the police
killed hundreds, gang-raped women and girls, and forced as many as 90,000 Rohingya from their
homes.
On Aug. 25, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacked again, targeting police posts and an
army base. Security forces cracked down on the wider population, and rights groups accused
them of killing, raping, burning villages and shooting civilians from helicopters. The exodus into
Bangladesh began: At least 400,000 Rohingya have fled.
An additional 12,000 people, mainly ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and other non-Muslims, are also
displaced within the state, according to Human Rights Watch. Myanmar has halted humanitarian
aid to Rakhine, leaving those still in the state with limited access to food and water.
Myanmar has framed the actions as a necessary counterinsurgency operation.
Governments from several predominantly Muslim countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia,
Pakistan and Turkey, have expressed concern about the most recent violence. Malala Yousafzai
of Pakistan and Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa have both called on their fellow Nobel
Peace Prize laureate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de facto leader, to do something about
the bloodshed.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who leads Myanmar’s civilian government but does not control the
military, has largely avoided public statements about the crackdown and the flight of refugees.
But during a phone call last week with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, she
complained of “a huge iceberg of misinformation calculated to create a lot of problems between
different communities and with the aim of promoting the interest of the terrorists,” according to
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
her office. (On Wednesday, her office said she had canceled a planned visit to the United Nations
General Assembly.)
Analysts have said that it would be politically difficult for Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi to denounce
the crackdown, given the military’s political power and the unpopularity of the Rohingya among
the country’s Buddhists. Her critics say she has a moral obligation to speak out, and some
have called for her Nobel to be withdrawn.
Myanmar Leader Cancels U.N. Trip Amid Outcry Over Rohingya Slaughter
By RICK GLADSTONE and SOMINI SENGUPTASEPT. 13, 2017
Facing a storm of global criticism over an ethnic slaughter in her home country, the Nobel
laureate who is Myanmar’s most prominent political leader has canceled her planned visit to the
United Nations General Assembly.
The cancellation by the leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was announced by her office on
Wednesday, less than a week before the annual gathering in New York of leaders representing
the 193-member General Assembly, the largest forum for diplomacy.
Her decision to abandon the visit came amid an uproar over deadly attacks by security forces on
Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, which is predominantly Buddhist.
In recent weeks, hundreds have been killed, including children. Nearly 400,000 have fled for
their lives into neighboring Bangladesh, according to officials and news reports from the region.
A chorus of international leaders and human rights groups have denounced the attacks as ethnic
cleansing — some have called it genocide — and have castigated Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi over
what they described as her indifference.
“She’s keeping silent, and that silence is essentially a green light for the military,” said Louis
Charbonneau, the United Nations director at Human Rights Watch.
While Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s views on the Rohingya killings are not clear, she caused an
uproar last week, partly attributing alarm about the crisis to a “huge iceberg of misinformation”
while discussing it with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey.
“Everything she has said doesn’t inspire confidence that she’s on the right side of this issue,” Mr.
Charbonneau said.
Some critics have called for Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi to be stripped of her Nobel Peace Prize,
which she won in 1991 for standing up to Myanmar’s military junta in a campaign for
democracy.
There had been widespread expectation that she would speak about the Rohingya killings at the
General Assembly. But a spokesman for her office, Zaw Htay, told reporters in Myanmar on
Wednesday that she had canceled her trip because of the crisis.
“She is concentrating on establishing stability,” the spokesman said in remarks quoted by news
agencies.
News of the canceled visit came as pressure has intensified at the United Nations for action to
halt the killings.
The United Nations secretary general, António Guterres, told reporters on Wednesday that the Rohingya situation was “catastrophic.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Asked if he agreed that the Rohingya were victims of ethnic cleansing, as his top human rights
official termed it this week, he was blunt.
“When one-third of the Rohingya population has to flee the country, can you find a better word
to describe it?” Mr. Guterres responded.
Mr. Guterres was addressing reporters in an hourlong news conference ahead of speeches next
week by presidents and prime ministers at the General Assembly.
“This is a dramatic tragedy,” he said. “People are dying and suffering at horrible numbers and we
need to stop it.”
In recent days, the exodus of Rohingya fleeing the violence into Bangladesh has tripled. Mr.
Guterres said he had spoken “several times” with Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, though not since her
office confirmed that she would not attend the General Assembly.
She attended last year for the first time, and she asserted that her government was “standing firm
against the forces of prejudice and intolerance” in Rakhine State, where most of the Rohingya
population lives.
Mr. Guterres took the unusual step last week of having asked the Security Council to help end
the military strikes against the Rohingya. The 15-member body, empowered to impose sanctions
and other measures against the government of Myanmar, met privately as he spoke.
Members of the Security Council emerged later Wednesday afternoon to express “concern about
reports of excessive violence during security operations” in Rakhine and called for “immediate
steps to end the violence.”
It was part of what, in the diplomatic language at the United Nations, is known as press elements,
the weakest form of pronouncement that can be made by the Security Council.
The British ambassador, Matthew Rycroft, called it “an important first step.”
Britain’s foreign secretary, Boris Johnson, is to preside over a meeting on Myanmar with other
foreign ministers on the sidelines of the General Assembly next week, Mr. Rycroft said.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, a 72-year-old widow, endured many years of house arrest for her
defiance of Myanmar’s generals and had long been considered a heroine of modern times.
She resumed her national political prominence after her release in 2010. The country’s majority
party introduced a bill in Parliament last year and created a new post for her as state counselor,
which some analysts have compared to the role of a prime minister.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is prohibited under the country’s Constitution from becoming president,
because her children are British citizens, as was her husband. But in her role as state counselor,
as well as leader of the majority party in Parliament, she is the most powerful person in the
government.
The anger and despondency over her failure to stop the Rohingya persecution has spread to her
fellow Nobel laureates.
In an open letter to Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi published last week, Archbishop Desmond Tutu of
South Africa said, “My dear sister: If the political price of your ascension to the highest office in
Myanmar is your silence, the price is surely too steep.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
At Risk in Rohingya Exodus: 230,000 Children, Hundreds All Alone
By AUSTIN RAMZYSEPT. 15, 2017
HONG KONG — More than half of the Rohingya refugees who have fled Myanmar in the past
three weeks are children, including hundreds who traveled without family members, putting
them at particular risk in cramped, muddy camps in Bangladesh, aid workers say.
The United Nations says up to 400,000 Rohingya have fled the state of Rakhine in western
Myanmar since Aug. 25 and are now struggling to find food, shelter and clean water in
Bangladesh.
“The camps are totally overcrowded,” said Christophe Boulierac, a spokesman for Unicef. “It’s
very muddy and raining every day.”
Of those who have made it to Bangladesh since Aug. 25, about half arrived last week, Mr.
Boulierac said, placing extreme pressure on the already struggling relief operations.
“Very frankly speaking, we are scaling up, but it is such an unprecedented influx,” he said.
As of Friday, Unicef had counted 1,267 children at the camp who had been separated from their
families. Amid the disorder of the rapidly expanding settlements in Bangladesh, the
unaccompanied children are at particular risk for human trafficking, sexual abuse, child labor
and child marriage, Mr. Boulierac said.
Unicef has set up 41 spaces for children to relax and play, some of which can be moved around
the camps. The sites also make it easier for aid workers to identify which children have traveled
alone or have been separated from their families.
The needs of the children include food and nutritional support, basic health care and
psychological counseling. More than 18,000 children have received help through the child-
friendly spaces since Aug. 25. But with more than 230,000 children estimated to have arrived in
Bangladesh, many more will need help, Mr. Boulierac said.
The United Nations Population Fund estimates that two-thirds of the refugees are women and
girls, 13 percent of whom are pregnant or breast-feeding. It has sent dozens of midwives to help
in the camps.
And the numbers are likely to grow, Mr. Boulierac said. “The worrying news is we don’t see any
indication that this influx is decreasing.”
The Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic group in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, have been pushed out of
the country’s west for decades. They have been deprived of citizenship rights and are often
confined to villages with little freedom to travel and work.
Rohingya in Rakhine had already been living under a harsh security campaign that came after
attacks by militants last October. An attack on Aug. 25 by a Rohingya militant group known as
the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army on police posts and a military base in Rakhine touched off
a renewed military crackdown that led to the mass exodus.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The military and Buddhist vigilantes have burned villages and massacred civilians, according to
human rights groups and refugees. Bangladesh has also complained to Myanmar about reports of
land mines placed along their shared border, which have injured and killed civilians in recent
weeks.
Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, called the
military campaign “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing” and a clear violation of international
law. The Nobel Peace Prize laureates Malala Yousafzai of Pakistan and Bishop Desmond Tutu
of South Africa have challenged Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of Myanmar, to
recognize the suffering of the Rohingya. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi won a Nobel Peace Prize in
1991 for leading a campaign against military rule.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who canceled plans to attend the United Nations General Assembly in
New York next week, has maintained the belief that the Rohingya are illegal immigrants from
Bangladesh. While the Rohingya trace their history in Myanmar for generations, the belief that
they are foreigners is widely held there.
Muhammad Yunus, the 2006 Peace Prize laureate, sent a letter with the signatures of 12 Nobel
laureates and others calling for the United Nations Security Council to take immediate action to
stop the military attacks on civilians. “The arguments that the Myanmar government is using to
deny Rohingyas their citizenship are ludicrous,” the letter said.
Despite the international condemnation of Myanmar, efforts to punish its government have been
limited.
This week, Senator John McCain of Arizona, who is also chairman of the Senate Armed Services
Committee, said he would kill funding to expand cooperation between the militaries of the
United States and Myanmar, “given the worsening humanitarian crisis and human rights
crackdown against the Rohingya people.”
Journalists and human rights investigators have been largely barred from Rakhine. A group of
journalists was taken there on a government-supervised trip last week, and some reported
seeing Buddhist men leaving a Rohingya village they had just set ablaze.
The lack of access has forced human rights groups to rely on satellite data and the testimony of
people who have fled to document the extent of destruction. Amnesty International said
Thursday that it had recorded 80 large-scale fires in Rakhine since Aug. 25, while the same
period in the past four years had no blazes of such size on record.
Human Rights Watch said Friday that 62 villages in Rakhine had been targeted by arson since
Aug. 25. “Our field research backs what the satellite imagery has indicated — that the Burmese
military is directly responsible for the mass burning of Rohingya villages in northern Rakhine
State,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Bangladesh Plans to Build Huge Refugee Camp for Rohingya
By HANNAH BEECHSEPT. 16, 2017
BANGKOK — Bangladesh, facing an unprecedented influx of ethnic Rohingya, plans
to build a vast camp to house about 400,000 refugees who have poured into the
country over the past three weeks.
The new settlements will be built within the next 10 days on 2,000 acres in the Cox’s
Bazar district near Bangladesh’s border with Myanmar, officials have said. The
authorities plan to construct 14,000 shelters, each with the capacity to hold six families,
with the help of international aid organizations and the Bangladesh military.
Poor and overpopulated, Bangladesh is no haven for the Rohingya, a long-persecuted
Muslim minority from Buddhist-majority Myanmar. Camps were already overflowing
with at least 400,000 Rohingya before the current exodus was provoked by Rohingya
militants’ attacking Myanmar police posts and an army base on Aug. 25.
The Myanmar military then began a campaign of village torchings, extrajudicial
killings and gang rape, according to survivors and international rights groups.
Witnesses and rights organizations have also accused the military of using helicopters
to unleash a scorched-earth campaign, burning Rohingya villages.
The United Nations described the actions against the Rohingya as a “textbook example
of ethnic cleansing.”
With a record number of Rohingya fleeing over the border into Bangladesh, arrivals
have been forced to line the streets of local villages, begging for food and water, and
the current settlements have reached capacity.
The government said restrictions would be placed on any inhabitants of the planned
settlement. Rohingya will also be barred from traveling by vehicle in Bangladesh, and
only those registered as refugees will qualify for official assistance.
“The Rohingya refugees won’t be allowed to go outside the camp,” Asaduzzaman
Khan, the Bangladeshi minister of home affairs, said on Sept. 10.
Bangladesh stopped designating new refugees in the early 1990s, forcing hundreds of
thousands to fend for themselves by cobbling together bits of tarpaulin and bamboo to
build makeshift homes. This year, the government even debated a plan to confine all
Rohingya refugees on a flood-prone uninhabited island.
Aid groups have expressed worry about hunger and diseases like cholera spreading
through the squalid settlements in Bangladesh. The lack of an adequate sewage system
is also compounding fears about public hygiene. The Bangladesh Department of Public
Health Engineering said it would construct 500 temporary latrines, while the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has plans for 8,000 more.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
On Sept. 12, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh visited a Rohingya camp in
Kutupalong, where she hugged refugees and lamented the deaths of women and
children.
“We want peace; we want good relations with our neighboring countries,” she said.
“But we can’t tolerate and accept any injustice.”
Ms. Hasina is scheduled to attend the United Nations General Assembly in New York
on Sept. 21, where she is expected to ask for help from the international community to
tackle the situation.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of Myanmar’s civilian administration, announced she
would skip the annual meeting. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate,
has been criticized for defending the Myanmar military’s crackdown and for staying
silent about the plight of the Rohingya.
Ms. Hasina has urged Myanmar to take back the Rohingya who have fled to
Bangladesh, much as Myanmar did during some earlier waves of displacement. Much
smaller populations of Hindus, Buddhists and animists living in Rakhine State in
western Myanmar have also been displaced by the violence.
On Friday, the Bangladesh government lodged a formal complaint with Myanmar about
alleged violations of Bangladesh airspace by Myanmar military aircraft and drones.
Myanmar dismissed a similar airspace protest this month.
The Bangladesh government has also been holding two Myanmar photographers
covering the Rohingya crisis for a German magazine.
The two, Minzayar Oo and Hkun Lat, are accused of entering the country under false
pretenses, on tourist visas. The Bangladeshi authorities have suggested that the two
may be spies, a charge denied by their lawyers and families.
Rohingya Militants Vow to Fight Myanmar Despite Disastrous Cost
Leer en español
By HANNAH BEECHSEPT. 17, 2017
BALUKHALI, Bangladesh — Nazir Hossain, the imam of a village in far western
Myanmar, gathered the faithful around him after evening prayers last month. In a few
hours, more than a dozen Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army fighters from his village
would strike a nearby police post with an assortment of handmade weapons.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The men needed their cleric’s blessing.
“As imam, I encouraged them never to step back from their mission,” Mr. Hossain
recalled of his final words to the ethnic Rohingya militants. “I told them that if they did
not fight to the death, the military would come and kill their families, their women and
their children.”
They fought — joining an Aug. 25 assault by thousands of the group’s fighters against
Myanmar’s security forces — and the retaliation came down anyway. Since then,
Myanmar’s troops and vigilante mobs have unleashed a scorched-earth operation
on Rohingya populations in northern Rakhine State in Myanmar, sending hundreds of
thousands fleeing their homes in a campaign that the United Nations has called ethnic
cleansing.
From its start four years ago as a small-scale effort to organize a Rohingya resistance,
ARSA — which is known locally as Harakah al-Yaqin, or the Faith Movement — has
managed to stage two deadly attacks on Myanmar’s security forces: one last October
and the other last month.
But in lashing out against the government, the militants have also made their own
people a target. And they have handed Myanmar’s military an attempt at public
justification by saying that it is fighting terrorism, even as it has burned down dozens of
villages and killed fleeing women and children.
This radicalization of a new generation of Rohingya, a Muslim minority in a Buddhist-majority
country, adds fuel to an already combustible situation in Rakhine, Myanmar’s poorest state.
Increasingly, there is also concern that both the relatively few Rohingya who have
taken up arms and the broader population — hundreds of thousands of whom are
crowded in camps in neighboring Bangladesh — will be exploited by international
terrorism networks, bringing a localized struggle into the slipstream of global politics.
ARSA’s attempt at insurgency politics has been disastrous so far — a cease-fire that
they declared this month was rejected by the military, and they are reported to have
suffered lopsided casualties compared with the government’s. But the men caught up in
the cause insist that resistance is worth the steep cost, even to their families.
“This fight is not just about my fate or my family’s fate,” said Noor Alam, a 25-year-
old insurgent whose family was sheltering in a forest in Myanmar after their village in
Maungdaw Township was burned. “It’s a matter of the existence of all Rohingya. If we
have to sacrifice ourselves for our children to live peacefully, then it is worth it.”
Myanmar’s military, which ruled the country for nearly half a century, has
systematically persecuted the Rohingya, subjecting them to apartheidlike existences
and stripping most of their citizenship.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The nation’s civilian government, led since last year by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has
justified the recent violent crackdown in Rakhine as a counterstrike against “extremist
Bengali terrorists.” Although the Rohingya claim long-held roots in Rakhine, the
official narrative in Myanmar holds that they are recent illegal immigrants from
Bangladesh.
“We’ve talked about the risks of radicalization for years, and the writing was on the
wall for some sort of militant activity,” said Matthew Smith, a co-founder of Fortify
Rights, a human rights watchdog group based in Bangkok. “In our view, the best way
to deal with risks of extremism and radicalization is to promote and respect the rights of
the Rohingya, which is not what the Myanmar military is doing.”
Since Aug. 25, these so-called clearance operations have caused more than 400,000
Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh.
Rohingya who have tried to escape the latest violence have also had to contend with
ARSA insurgents who want young men to stay back and fight. Rohingya informers,
who may have leaked details of the Aug. 25 strikes to the Myanmar military, have been
executed, according to rights groups.
ARSA has also been accused of killing other ethnic populations in Rakhine, such as
Hindus and Buddhist Rakhine. At least a dozen non-Rohingya civilians have been
killed since Aug. 25, according to Myanmar’s government, along with at least 370
Rohingya militants.
The radicalized population in Bangladesh’s overcrowded refugee camps does not hide
its fervor.
“Even if I stay in my home, I could get killed by the military,” said Abul Osman, a 32-
year-old madrasa instructor and ARSA fighter who spent three months hiding in the
jungly hills on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border after the group’s attack last October. “I
might as well die fighting for my rights, as directed by my almighty God. My sacrifice
will earn me a place in heaven.”
But not everyone wants to be sacrificed. When vigilante mobs and Myanmar’s soldiers
burned down his village, Noor Kamal, 18, tried to flee with his 6-year-old brother,
Noor Faruq. Both were hacked in the head by ethnic Rakhine armed with machetes and
scythes.
At a bleak government hospital in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, Noor Kamal shivered with
outrage at the ARSA insurgents from his village in northern Maungdaw Township, who
attacked a local police post last month. “We are the ones who are suffering because of
Al Yaqin,” he said. “They disappeared after the attack. We were the ones left behind
for the military to kill.”
The besieged villages in Rakhine and squalid refugee settlements in Bangladesh, where
at least 800,000 Rohingya now live in desperate conditions, make for fertile ground for
transnational militant groups looking for recruits, even if ARSA said this past week that
it had no links to such groups.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
“We have seen how democratic and nationalist movements can be taken over by
transnational terrorist groups,” said Ali Riaz, a professor of politics and government at
Illinois State University who studies Islamic militancy in Bangladesh and surrounding
areas. “The presence of legitimate discontent, despair and desperation among hundreds
and thousands of people, growing radicalization of a movement, asymmetry of forces
engaged in the conflict and a religious dimension to the crisis all provide a conducive
environment.”
Mr. Riaz noted how in the southern Philippines, the Islamic State had grafted itself onto
a local separatist insurgency, dispatching foreign fightersand threatening regional
stability.
“Neither the Myanmar government nor the regional powers should let this situation
happen with the Rohingya,” he warned.
Earlier this month, in a video message, a leader of Al Qaeda in Yemen urged Muslims
in Asia to show solidarity with the Rohingya by launching attacks on “enemies of
God.”
The military has only intensified its retribution in Rakhine. As international outrage
mounted, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi blamed the Rohingya and their supporters for creating
an “an iceberg of misinformation.” Myanmar’s military has accused Rohingya of
burning down their own homes to garner international sympathy.
ARSA, which was founded by a Rohingya named Ataullah, who was born in Pakistan
and raised in Saudi Arabia, does not yet have the kind of firepower that can pose a
serious threat to one of Asia’s biggest armies. Its Aug. 25 strike involved thousands of
men but killed only about a dozen security officers. Its first assault, in October, killed
nine police officers.
By contrast, other ethnic rebel forces, which have battled the state for decades, have
clashed far more violently with the Tatmadaw, as Myanmar’s army is known. The
Arakan Army, an insurgency fighting for ethnic Rakhine rights, killed at least 300
soldiers in the first half of last year, according to a military document.
Unlike ARSA, neither the Arakan Army nor other ethnic militant groups have been
designated as terrorists by Myanmar’s government.
“Why does Burma call us terrorists?” asked Dil Mohammed, a university-educated
Rohingya now living in Bangladesh, using the former name for Myanmar. “It’s one
word: Islam.”
ARSA was formed four years ago, in the wake of sectarian clashes between the
Rohingya and the Rakhine. Dozens were killed, mostly Muslims. Since then, many
Rohingya have been barred from leaving their villages or sequestered in ghettos. Young
men have no jobs. The military shuttered mosques and madrasas, leaving the faithful
idle.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
The military’s heavy-handed response to the ARSA strike last October served as a
turning point. Nearly every Rohingya village in northern Rakhine now has an ARSA
cell with at least 10 members, according to fighters who fled to Bangladesh.
“We realized that it’s only through Al Yaqin that we can get our message to the
international community that we exist,” said the 70-year-old father of an ARSA fighter
who arrived in Bangladesh with two bullet wounds. “Otherwise, we will all just die.”
During their strikes, ARSA insurgents often dress in black and rouse themselves with
the chant “Speak loudly! God is the greatest!” In their initiation rites, the militants
promise that their families will not object if they die as martyrs. A dearth of weapons,
beyond homemade explosives and crude knives, has increased the chances of such
deaths.
Mohammed Jalal, whose cousin is the village ARSA chief and is still fighting back in
Rakhine, said he was willing to forfeit his son for the cause. “It is dangerous, but if he
dies for his people and his land, then it is Allah’s will,” he said.
Next to him, Mohammed Harun, 10, nodded his head. “I would go to fight,” he said. “I
am not scared.”
Myanmar Follows Global Pattern in How Ethnic Cleansing Begins
The Interpreter
By AMANDA TAUB SEPT. 18, 2017
The Rohingya crisis in Myanmar, which the United Nations high commissioner for
human rights has called a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing,” highlights a problem
that the world has not yet figured out how to solve — and that can contribute, in
extremes, to the world’s worst atrocities.
National self-determination, the idea that a nation should have the right to freely choose
its political status, is a central tenet of the international system. It is enshrined in Article
1 of the United Nations Charter, which states that its purpose is “to develop friendly
relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-
determination of peoples.”
But scholars have long recognized that there is a problem inherent in self-determination
that can make it an enemy of the freedoms it is intended to protect.
Self-determination means not only defining what a nation is, but also who belongs in
that nation and who is an outsider. And during times of political upheaval, when
national identity comes under pressure and different groups compete for claims to self-
determination, such definitions can provide an impetus for mass violence and even
genocide against those deemed to be outsiders.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
It is easy enough to define a “state” — a place with borders, territory and a sovereign
government. But a “nation” is a hazier concept — a group of people bound together by
some common characteristic, which may or may not match up precisely with state
borders. That is where things get tricky.
Most countries have a majority ethnic or religious group whose customs, culture and
religion dominate public life. But ethnic or religious definitions of the “nation,” when
translated into political priorities, put minority citizens at a disadvantage. If the
majority group wins self-determination, the resulting state will not be designed to
represent minorities, even if they technically have full citizenship.
That kind of definition can also create stress for the majority group. Kate Cronin-
Furman, a fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard’s
Kennedy School of Government who studies mass atrocities, said that when nations are
defined around a majority ethnic group, that can lead to a sense of siege — a belief that
majority status needs to be protected, because if it shrinks, the claim of the majority on
the nation could as well.
In Sri Lanka, for instance, the Sinhalese majority has defined the nation as Sinhalese
and Buddhist. As a result, Ms. Cronin-Furman said, Sinhalese political rhetoric is
consumed with the idea that any expansion of rights to non-Sinhalese citizens is a threat
to the nature of the state.
Civic nationalism, which is based around citizenship and shared political beliefs rather
than ethnicity, is more inclusive. But that same inclusivity can make it challenging to
create a strong, cohesive sense of national identity. When that happens, focusing on
outsiders — identifying who is not part of the nation, rather than who is — can seem an
expedient shortcut.
Political psychology researchers have long found that when leaders cast outsiders as
different and threatening, that can strengthen insiders’ sense of identity and group
cohesion. But that can leave minorities at risk of discrimination or even violence.
In Europe today, for instance, politicians rarely make overt claims that their national
identity should be explicitly white or Christian. But warnings about the impact of
Muslim immigration, burqas and mosque minarets have become, even for many
mainstream politicians, a way to classify Muslims as outsiders.
Other groups in Europe have felt the sting of exclusion for much longer. The Roma
have long been treated as perpetual foreigners. Regardless of their legal citizenship,
they are seen as traveling interlopers who are not part of a nation’s civic identity or
culture. That has led to entrenched prejudice and discrimination that regularly spill
over into violence.
And the Jews, particularly before World War II, were also often treated as perpetual
aliens who were not truly part of the nation.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
At times of stress from factors like war, major political changes or economic collapse,
competition over who is entitled to national self-determination can trigger extreme
violence.
Stefan Wolff, a political scientist at the University of Birmingham in England who
studies ethnic conflict, has found that many of the world’s worst conflicts have arisen
when ethnic and political borders do not line up with one another. “From Kosovo to
Silesia,” he wrote in a 2004 article, “the competing claims of distinct ethnic groups to
self-determination have been the most prominent sources of conflicts within and across
state boundaries.”
When states collapse or state borders are withdrawn, he has found, that creates an
opportunity for groups to establish their claims to national self-determination. And
when multiple groups lay claim to nationhood within the same territory, “ethnic
cleansing” can come to seem like a grim but effective solution, a way to make ethnic
and national borders line up by forcing out members of competing groups.
When the former Yugoslavia collapsed, for instance, Bosnian Serb forces committed
atrocities against ethnic Bosniaks and Croats as part of their effort to establish a Serbian
Republic.
In Myanmar, the Rohingya have long been demonized as outsiders in their own
country. They have been present in Myanmar since the 12th century, according to
Human Rights Watch. But excluding them from the nation, and later even from legal
citizenship, has long been a political tool, part of the process of defining the nation by
deeming some outside it.
After British rule ended in Myanmar — then Burma — in 1948, the new government
argued that the Rohingya were illegal migrants from British-administered India, now
Bangladesh, not truly part of the new nation. A 1982 citizenship law effectively
stripped many Rohingya of citizenship, deeming them foreigners in their own country.
In 2015, the government disenfranchised the Rohingya en masse, preventing hundreds
of thousands from voting in national elections. And in recent years, politicians,
including the democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, have implied that they
were terrorists who threaten the nation.
Today, civilian politicians and the military are jostling for control as the country moves
toward democracy. Laying claim to national identity is a way to lay claim to power.
And once again, that has had tragic consequences for the Rohingya.
In a Facebook post on Saturday, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the current head of the armed
forces, tried to justify the army’s attacks on the Rohingya by saying that it “has never
been an ethnic group in Myanmar,” and claiming that the mass violence that had
displaced so many was “an organized attempt of extremist Bengalis in Rakhine State.”
Independent observers say the army has burned Rohingya villages and targeted
Rohingya civilians in a campaign of rape and slaughter.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
National self-determination is not a license for attacks against minorities. But by
emphasizing that right, the international community may, however unintentionally,
have seemed to offer an implicit incentive for the catastrophe now playing out in
Myanmar.
Aung San Suu Kyi, a Much-Changed Icon, Evades Rohingya Accusations
By RICHARD C. PADDOCK and HANNAH BEECHSEPT. 18, 2017
NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar — Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize
laureate and de facto leader of Myanmar, stood before a room of government officials
and foreign dignitaries on Tuesday to at last, after weeks of international urging,
address the plight of the country’s Rohingya ethnic minority.
But those who expected her to eloquently acknowledge a people’s oppression were
disappointed.
In her speech, delivered in crisp English and often directly inviting foreign listeners to
“join us” in addressing Myanmar’s problems, she steadfastly refused to criticize the
country’s military, which has been accused of a vast campaign of killing, rape and
village burning.
“The security forces have been instructed to adhere strictly to the code of conduct in
carrying out security operations, to exercise all due restraint and to take full measures to
avoid collateral damage and the harming of innocent civilians,” she said.
It has been a stunning reversal for Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, 72, who was awarded the
1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her “nonviolent struggle for democracy and human rights.”
As she spoke, more than 400,000 Rohingya, a Muslim minority long repressed by the
Buddhists who dominate Myanmar, had fled a military massacre that the United
Nations has called a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing.” The lucky ones are
suffering in makeshift camps in Bangladesh where there is not nearly enough food or
medical aid.
A stark satellite analysis by Human Rights Watch shows that at least 210 Rohingya
villages have been burned to the ground since the offensive beganon Aug. 25.
Bangladeshi officials say land mines had been planted on Myanmar’s side of the
border, posing a threat to the fleeing Rohingya.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi tried to mollify her critics by saying she was committed to
restoring peace and the rule of law.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
“We condemn all human rights violations and unlawful violence,” she said. “We feel
deeply for the suffering of all the people caught up in the conflict.”
But, asking why the world did not acknowledge the progress made in her country, she
also boasted that Muslims living in the violence-torn area had ample access to health
care and radio broadcasts. And she expressed uncertainty about why Muslims might be
fleeing the country, even as she sidestepped evidence of widespread abuses by the
security forces by saying there had been “allegations and counter-allegations.”
Her speech was remarkably similar in language to that of the generals who had locked
her up for the better part of two decades, in the process making her a political legend:
the regal prisoner of conscience who vanquished the military with no weapons but her
principles.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of the assassinated independence hero Aung
San, who founded the modern Burmese Army. She is a member of the country’s elite,
from the highest class of the ethnic Bamar Buddhist majority.
Officials in her government have accused the Rohingya, who have suffered decades of
persecution and have been mostly stripped of their citizenship, of faking rape and
burning their own houses in a bid to hijack international public opinion. She has done
nothing to correct the record.
A Facebook page associated with her office suggested that international aid groups
were colluding with Rohingya militants, whose attack on Myanmar police posts and an
army base precipitated the fierce military counteroffensive. In a statement, her
government labeled the insurgent strikes “brutal acts of terrorism.”
During her address, made from a vast convention center in Naypyidaw, Myanmar’s
capital, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi tried to evoke a program of grand goals including
democratic transition, peace, stability and development.
But she also cautioned that the country’s long experience with authoritarian rule and
nearly seven decades of ethnic conflict in Myanmar’s frontier lands have frayed
national unity.
“People expect us to overcome all these challenges in as short a time as possible,” she
said, noting that her civilian government only took office last year. “Eighteen months is
a very short time in which to expect us to meet and overcome all the challenges that we
are facing.”
There were worrisome signs from the moment she entered a power-sharing agreement
with the military after her National League for Democracy won the 2015 elections.
Myanmar’s generals — who ruled the country for nearly half a century and turned a
resource-rich land also known as Burma into an economic failure — stage-managed
every facet of the political transition. The Tatmadaw, as the Myanmar Army is known,
kept the most important levers of power for itself.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
It also effectively relegated Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi to the post of state counselor by
designing a Constitution that kept her from the presidency.
“It’s always a dance with the generals,” said U Win Htein, an N.L.D. party elder and
former military officer, who served alongside some of the Tatmadaw’s highest-ranking
generals.
He warned that Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi had to placate an army with a history of pushing
aside civilian leaders under the pretext of defending national sovereignty.
“The army, they are watching her every word,” he said. “One misstep on the Muslim
issue, and they can make their move.”
Yet even before the compromises that accompanied her ascension to power, Ms. Aung
San Suu Kyi was already distancing herself from the hopes invested in her by the rest
of the world.
“Let me be clear that I would like to be seen as a politician, not some human rights
icon,” she said in an interview shortly after her release from house arrest in 2010.
Such a recasting of her role has disappointed Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s fellow Nobel
Peace Prize laureates. In an open letter, Desmond Tutu, the South African former
archbishop, advised his “dearly beloved younger sister” that “if the political price of
your ascension to the highest office in Myanmar is your silence, the price is surely too
steep.”
Muhammad Yunus, the Bangladeshi social entrepreneur and recipient of the prize in
2006, was more pointed.
“She should not have received a Nobel Peace Prize if she says, sorry, I’m a politician,
and the norms of democracy don’t suit me,” he said in a telephone interview with The
New York Times. “The whole world stood by her for decades, but today she has
become the mirror image of Aung San Suu Kyi by destroying human rights and
denying citizenship to the Rohingya.”
“All we can do,” he said, “is pray for the return of the old Aung San Suu Kyi.”
Beyond her personal legacy, the direction of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s leadership
carries global consequence.
“This is a democratic moment, and she represents Burma’s democratic promise,” said
Derek Mitchell, the former American ambassador to Myanmar. “The country sits at the
crossroads of Asia in a region where democracy is in retreat, which makes Burma’s
success even more important.”
In Tuesday’s speech, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, acknowledged the state of democracy in
her country.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
“We are a young and fragile democracy facing many problems,” she said, “but we have
to cope with them all at the same time.”
But she also stressed that “more than 50 percent” of Rohingya villages in Myanmar’s
western state of Rakhine remained “intact.” And she seemed to borrow vocabulary
from a self-help manual when she described the need to research why certain villages
had not been touched by the violence.
“We have to remove the negative and increase the positive,” she said.
Through all of the current Rohingya crisis, and a series of military offensives against
other ethnic armed groups, she has publicly supported the military.
“We do not have any trust in Aung San Suu Kyi because she was born into the
military,” said Hkapra Hkun Awng, a leader of the Kachin ethnic group from northern
Myanmar, one of more than a dozen minorities whose rebel armies have fought the
Tatmadaw over the decades. “She is more loyal to her own people than to the ethnics.
Her blood is thicker than a promise of national reconciliation.”
Even before the mudslinging of the 2015 election campaign, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi
was sidestepping questions about the sectarian violence in Rakhine that
disproportionately affected the Rohingya. Rather than condemning pogroms against the
persecuted Muslim minority, she has dismissed accusations of ethnic cleansing and
called, instead, for rule of law to solve any problem.
Because most Rohingya were stripped of their citizenship by the military, it has not
been clear how any laws might apply to them. Even though Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi said
Tuesday that Myanmar was prepared to repatriate refugees who can establish that they
are residents of Myanmar, that may be a formidable task for people who are unlikely to
have documents proving that.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has largely shielded herself from the media and has holed up in
the capital. Although a year ago, as the nation’s new civilian leader, she attended the
United Nations General Assembly, and was celebrated by world leaders, this year she
chose not to attend, avoiding criticism of her stance on the Rohingya.
Several heads of state who spoke on the General Assembly’s first day of speeches on
Tuesday in New York assailed Myanmar for the Rohingya crackdown, with some
describing it as an anti-Muslim atrocity.
The president of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, whose country’s population of nearly
200 million is nearly half Muslim, said “the Myanmar crisis is very reminiscent of what
happened in Bosnia in 1995 and in Rwanda in 1994.” The president of Turkey, Recep
Tayyip Erdogan, whose country is majority Muslim and who spoke with Ms. Aung San
Suu Kyi recently, said the Rohingya had been “subjected to almost an ethnic cleansing,
with provocative terrorist acts used as a pretext.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is attuned enough to public sentiment to understand the deep
reservoir of anti-Muslim sentiment in Myanmar. If anything, her equivocations on the
Rohingya have given currency to the widely held assumption in Myanmar that they are
illegal immigrants from Bangladesh who have occupied land that rightfully belongs to
the Burmese.
Since Myanmar’s political transition began, a virulent strain of Buddhist extremism has
pushed such attitudes further into the mainstream. Influential monks have preached
anti-Muslim rhetoric and pushed successfully for a law that circumscribes interfaith
marriage.
“Buddhist nationalist radicalism has been allowed to spread basically unchecked,” said
Min Zin, the executive director of the Institute for Strategy and Policy Myanmar. “The
government is doing very little to stop it.”
Satellite Images Show More Than 200
Rohingya Villages Burned in Myanmar
By SERGIO PEÇANHA and JEREMY WHITE SEPT. 18, 2017
An analysis of satellite images from
Myanmar found that hundreds of villages
of the Rohingya ethnic minority have been
set on fire since late August
Myar Zin village
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
May 23, 2017
Sept. 16, 2017
Nwar Yon Taung village
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
May 25, 2017
Sept. 16, 2017
Villages set on fire
On Aug. 25, a Rohingya militant group staged a series of attacks against police outposts in
Rakhine state. In response, Myanmar’s military and local Buddhist vigilante groups began a
crackdown on the Rohingya, a Muslim minority.
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Villages that have
been set on fire
Taungpyoletwea
MYANMAR
Myar Zin
BANGLADESH
Yae Twin Kyun
Buthidaung
Nwar Yon Taung
Maungdaw
MYANMAR
Rakhine
State
Bay of Bengal
10 MILES
The New York Times |Source: Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch conducted an analysis of satellite imagery, counting at least 200 villages
burned down in the offensive, which the United Nations has called “a textbook example of ethnic
cleansing.”
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Yae Twin Kyun village
May 23, 2017
Sept. 16, 2017
The photograph below shows that on Thursday, smoke from fires in Myanmar was visible from
Shah Porir Dwip, a coastal town across the border in Bangladesh.
Smoke from fires in Myanmar was seen from Bangladesh on Thursday. Dar Yasin/Associated
Press
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
More than 400,000 Rohingya refugees, many of them women, children and seniors, desperately
fled to neighboring Bangladesh in the middle of monsoon season. Below, a photograph from
Sept. 12 shows one of the villages near Maungdaw that was attacked in Myanmar’s campaign
against the Rohingya people.
The remnants of a house in a village near Maungdaw. Reuters
Many reported that their villages had been burned down and that those who stayed were killed.
Dozens of overcrowded makeshift camps have emerged across the border, like the one below,
near the Bangladeshi village of Gumdhum.
Thyangkhali refugee camp in Bangladesh. Dominique Faget/Agence France-Presse -- Getty
Images
Source: Satellite images from DigitalGlobe via Human Rights Watch
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018
Krisis Rohingya Dalam..., Rizaldy Febriyansyah, FIKOM UMN, 2018